BOOK XII. THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DUKE OF SHAOU.

1 I. In the second month, on the day Yih-we, six days after the full

moon, the king early in the morning proceeded from Chow, and

至太日腮惟來宅周 宅于保戊越丙三越公保 厥洛朝电三午月若相 X

2 came to Fung. Thence the Grand-guardian went before the duke of Chow to inspect the localities, and in the third month, on the day Mow-shin, the third day after the first appearance of the new moon on Ping-woo, came in the morning to Lo. He consulted the tortoise about the localities, and having obtained favourable indications, he

ment, which, however, commences properly with par. 9. The Complete Digest' says it may be divided into three parts. In the first, parr. 9 -12, Shih sets forth the uncertainty of the favour of Heaven, and urges the young king to cultivate the virtue of reverence' in order to secure its permanence, concluding with a

recommendation to him not to neglect his aged and experienced advisers. The second, parr. 13-18, speaks of the importance and difficulty of the imperial duties, and enforces the same virtue of reverence by reference to the rise and fall of the previous dynasties. In the last part, parr. 19-23, Shih insists on the importance of the king, at this early period of his reign, and on his personal undertaking of the duties of govt., at once setting about the reverence which was required to attach the people to himself and his House, and insure the lasting favour of Heaven. In the last par. the duke of Shaou gives expression to his personal feelings for the king, in the peculiar situation in which he was placed at Lo. The burden of the announcement all turns on the virtue of reverence.' Let the king only feel how much depends on his reverently attending to his duties, and govern for the people and not for himself:-let him do this, and all will be well. The people will love and support the dynasty of Chow, and Heaven will smile upon and sustain it.

6

1. 惟二月至乙未-ac

, in which case the year would have begun with, the 11th cycle day; and he assigned the building of Lo, after Fuh-shang, to Ching's 5th year instead of the 7th. Even if we were to follow him in these points, we should be equally unable to reconcile the note of time given in the text with the arrangements of the chronologers. 王步至,comp.

2.

Bk. III., p. 1. The temple of king Wan was in
Fung, and we may suppose had been left standing
when Woo transferred the capital to Haou. Now
when such an important thing as the establishing
of a new capital, which should rank with Haou,
if it did not supersede it, was in progress, it was
proper that the king should solemnly announce
it in the temples of his father and grandfather.
That he might do so to the spirit of king Wăn,
he went from Chow or Haou to Fung.
To Shih the Grand-guardian, and to the duke
of Chow, was assigned the duty of making all
the arrangements for carrying out the plans of
king Woo about establishing a new capital at Lo.
In fact, Woo had himself taken some measures
towards the accomplishment of his views. We
are told in the, under the year B.C. 708
A), that 'he removed the nine

Ch. I. Pp. 1-7. PROCEEDINGS OF THE KING, THE DUKE OF SHAOU, AND THE DUKE OF CHOW, IN CONNECTION WITH THE BUILDING OF LŎн. cording to this statement, the day Yih-we must have been the 21st of the second month, and, as Gaubil observes, we may, from the data here supplied, determine the year to which the Announcement of Shaou should be referred. It). Those vases was, he says correctly, the year B.C. 1,098. Z might be considered a sort of regalia of the from the Hea dynasty to Shang, and were now empire. Originally cast by Yu, they had passed the property of the House of Chow. See a detail

being the 21st day of the second month,

must have been the 1st, and the 1st

tripods or vases to the city of Lo'

day of that year of Chow must have been Ping-ed account of them in the, under the year

WOO

(4), the 43d day of the cycle. But that was the day of the new moon preceding the winter solstice, from which under this dynasty they calculated the year, in B.c. 1,098, or 1,097 (not reckoning A.D.). This result is not accordant with the current chronology of king Ching's reign, nor with the date assigned to it from the

B.C. 605 (4). Sze-ma Ts'een also gives, in his 'Records of the Chow dynasty,' and probably from some of the lost Books of the Shoo, a conversation between the duke of Chow and Woo, in which the latter says, 'On the south I look to San-t'oo [there is still the moun tain of San-t'oo, to the south-west of the district

寅五洛

太日

以太日○則旣

三營卜.

位日汭位庶保庚越 經

成甲越于殷乃戌

3 set about laying out the plans. On Kăng-suh, the third day after, he led the people of Yin to prepare the various sites on the north

of the Lo; and this work was completed on the fifth day, Këă-yin.

city of Sung; on the north I look, and see the towns near the Yoh [this is supposed to be the Tae-hang mountain, north of the Ho, on the border between Shan-se and Ho-nan; see the Tribute of Yu,' Part ii., par. 1]; when I

look round, I see the Ho; and again I behold

the Lǔ and the E' (我南望三塗北 望嶽鄙顧詹有河粤詹洛 ). Ts'een adds that Woo laid out or built

a settlement for Chow on the spot, and went away. These passages make it plain that Woo had fixed on Lo, at the time of his conquest of Shang,

as the proper capital for his dynasty, and had

taken measures to make it so. There was

already, it is likely, some settlement at the place, which he enlarged. His locating at it the vases of Yu was a sufficient declaration to

all the empire of his purpose. And that purpose had not been forgotten by the duke of Chow. When we bring together all the passages referring to Lo, the natural conclusion is that he had been gradually enlarging the place, and had even removed to it the more dangerous among the old adherents of Yin who still continued disaffected to the new rule. Up to the time when the action of this Book commences, however, nothing had been done towards the building of the palace and other structures which were the necessary appendages to it, and the planning of all these was, I think, the special

mission entrusted to the duke of Shaou.

In the statistical account of the empire under the present dynasty, it is stated that the remains of the ancient city of Lo,-what was called the capital of the completed or

court was removed to the east, B.C. 769.

惟太保先周公柙宅-that

the Grand-guardian (see Bk. XX., p. 5) was the duke of Shaou is nowhere said in the Book itself, but the title and the prefatory note (see page 10) are sufficient evidence on the point.

先 may be construed in the 1st tone or the 3d. survey! 宅,Këang Shing 相一視‘to

gives for this, very aptly,

'the places which might be fixed for residence.' The character does not denote so much a dwelling,' as the site of a dwelling. 越若 至于洛,Ts'ae takes 越若來 as

simply a conjunction ()

our

thereupon.' Attempts have been made to translate the characters. Medhurst renders them-proceeding leisurely on his journey,' which might be taken as a translation of Gankwo's, but he wrongly joins them to the preceding clause. Others (see Lin Chek'e in loc.) take them as 'so, in obedience to the charge, he came.' the view of Ts'ae.

Our best plan is to follow

胐 formed from 月

and, the moon come forth,' denotes the third day of the month. As this was Ping-woo, the second month must have been 'small,' con

sisting only of 29 days; and Mow-shin was the 5th of the 3d month. From Fung to Lŏ was 300 le., so that if Shih commenced his journey, as the critics suppose, on the day Yih-we of the month before, he must have travelled leisurely

enough. 卜宅=用龜卜宅都

established Chow,' are 30 le on the north-east of the pres. city of Loh-yang (lat. 34° 43', N.;, he used the tortoise to divine where lon. 4o, W.); and those of the old city of Ho-nan, what was the 'imperial city' (E) and 'the eastern Capital' of Chow-are 5 le on the west of it. The imperial city got the name of Ho-nan (about the year B.C. 509, when the emperor King (E) left it, and took up his residence in the 成周城

may add to these notices of Lo, that notwithstanding the wishes of king Woo and his labours, king Ching continued to reside at Haou; it was

the capital should be built.' Wang K'ăng-t'ang
observes on, that we are not to under-
stand those terms of any actual work in building,
but only of the determination of the dimensions
of the wall, the palace or court, the ancestral
temple, &c.;-see the
3. 越

may be observed that in 三日庚戌-it

these three days both Kăng-suh and Mow-shin are included. So, in the case of the three days' in the last par.

not till the reign of Ping (平王) that the 于洛汭庶殷殷之民

4

豕邑午二用越于于外 牛乃越牲三新洛周若 一、社翼于日邑則公翼 越洋于日郊丁營達朝日 七一新戊牛巳○觀至乙

`館

The day following, being the day Yih-maou, the duke of Chow came in the morning to Lo, and thoroughly surveyed the plans for the new 5 city. On Ting-sze, the third day after, he offered two bulls as victims in the suburbs; and on the morrow, Mow-woo, at the altar to the spirit of the land in the new city, he sacrificed a bull, a goat,

'all the people of Yin.' This confirms what I
have said above about the population of the im-
perial domain of Yin having already been in part
removed to Lŏ,-the city commenced by king
Woo.
describes the marking out
on the ground of the foundations of the various
structures from the plans of Shih.
-see 'The Songs of the five Sons,' p. 3.
-the five days include Kăng-
suh and Këǎ-yin. The latter was the 11th of
the 3d month.

Chow, was associated with Heaven at the sacrifices to it. So far he is correct in saying that How-tseih participated in the usual sacrifices under the Chow dynasty to Heaven, and that there was special provision for a victim-bull to him, and one to the supernal Power. This was the view, moreover, of Gan-kwo. If the text were that the duke of Chow sacrificed, to Heaven, using two bulls,' I should adopt it. As the text stands, however, I prefer the view given above, and which I have said was probably that of Ts'ae. 社于新邑牛一样一

Pp. 4–7. The measures of the duke of Chow. he offered the sacrifice at the

4.

altar to the spirit of the land.' Maou contends

*MŢƒë¤--that this was the sacrifice to Earth, correspond

all over. The duke made a thorough survey of all the Guardian's plans and arrangements for the building of the new city; and, as we conclude from the next two parr., approved

ing to the previous one to Heaven. But the text shows clearly that he is wrong, This sacrifice was offered, in—ie, within -the new city,' whereas the sacrifices to Heaven

of them. 5. # # + 4, and Earth were both celebrated in the suburbs,

-the disputes about the sacrifice or sacrifices here intended are very warm and lengthy. Ts'ae

says that by 郊 are intended the sacrifice or sacrifices to Heaven and Earth

Whether he meant that the duke of Chow offered two sacrifices,-one to Heaven and one to Earth; or only one sacrifice to Heaven and Earth together, offering the two bulls at the same altar, does not appear. Maou K'e-ling, supposing that the latter was

his view, shows that to sacrifice to Heaven and Earth together was an uncanonical practice. But I should rather think that Ts'ae meant that two sacrifices were offered, one to Heaven in the southern suburb, and one to Earth in the northern, a single bull being used at each. These sacrifices of course would be on occasion of the marking out the spots for the respective altars. Maou himself thinks that only one sacrificethat to Heaven-is spoken of, and that two

outside the city. We are to understand here, beyond doubt, the sacrifice to the spirit of the land, with which there was always associated that to the spirit of the grain. The altars were and still are within the wall of the imperial city. Who the spirits thus sacrificed to were, is a question not easy to determine. It seems to me probable that they were not spirits distinct from God, who was served in the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. Compare the dictum of Confucius in 'The Doctrine of the Mean,' xix., 6. Whatever opinion may be held on this point, the human worthy associated at the sacrifice to the

spirit of the land was Kow-lung (4), minister of Works to the very ancient emperor Chuen-heuh, whose place on the list of Chinese sovereigns is immediately after Iwang-te. The human associate with the spirit of the grain was How-tseih. These same names appear in the ritual of the present dynasty (see the

victims are mentioned, because How-tseiht. A long note

稷),

on this paragraph by the editors of Yung-ching's

as the great ancestor of the House of Shoo is well worth the attention of the student.

日復君乃不命邦庶乃日 拜入出以作殷伯殷朝甲 手錫取 O 庶 ○侯用

甲子周公

稽周幣邦太庶厥 厥 甸書 書周 首 公乃冢保殷旣男命公

6 and a pig. After seven days, on Keă-tsze, in the morning, from his written specifications he gave their several charges to the people of Yin, and to the chiefs of the States from the How, Teen, and Nan 7 tenures. When the people of Yin had thus received their orders, they arose with vigour to do their work.

8

II. The Great-guardian then went out with the hereditary princes of the various States to bring their offerings; and when he entered again, he gave them to the duke of Chow, saying, "With my head in my hands and bowed to the ground, I present these before the

6. 用書-I have translated 書by ‘writ- 者王無事也召公與諸侯出 ten specifications.' The duke had employed 取幣欲因大會顯周公, (The

the six days after Ting-sze (that day is not

included in the tin writing out the

work which was to be done in executing the Guardian's plans, with all the necessary specifications, and especially of the parties to whom the different parts of it should be assigned.

The Chiefs of countries (那伯) in the tenures

specified must have been the pastors of the

provinces (州牧). They would give their

appeared together before the king. The king

various princes, the dukes and high nobles

and the duke of Chow had both come to Lo. The text is silent about the king's coming, because there was nothing to be done by him at that time. The duke of Shaou and all the princes went out to fetch the ceremonial offerings, wishing to take occasion of the great assembly

to glorify the duke of Chow On 錫周公

instructions to the princes belonging to their he says:— :一召公以幣入,

respective jurisdictions, who again would issue

the necessary commands to the companies or

成王命周公曰敢拜

their people whom they had brought with them 手稽首陳王所宜順周公

to labour on the work in hand.

7. Lin

the offerings, and, proclaiming the command of king Ching, gave them to the duke of Chow, saying, "I venture, with my face to my hands and my head to the ground, to set forth the things in which the king ought to act in accordance with the duke of Chow." On the last clause

Che-k'e observes on this:-The duke of Shaou, The duke of Shaou then entered with completed all his plans for Lo in 7 days, from Mow-shin to Këx-yin inclusive; then came the duke of Chow, and in ten days he was ready with all his specifications, and the work was grandly in hand:-so earnest and prompt were they with their measures. All together, from the day Yih-we, when king Ching came to Fung, to the day Këd-sze, there elapsed but one

:一召公指戒成王而以 month. The foundation of 10,000 years' posses;衆殷諸侯於自乃御治事, Future ages could not show such an achieve- 為辭謙也諸侯在故

sion and prosperity was laid in one month!

ment!' The observation must be accepted with due allowance for its grandiloquence.

Ch. II. Pp. 8-23. THE ANNOUNCEMENT.

8. The old interpreters all thought that king Ching was present in Lo when this announcement was made. It may be well to give

the exposition of Gau-kwd. On太保至復 入 he says: 諸侯公卿覲于 王王與周公俱至文不見

焉

"The duke of Shaou's aim was to admonish king Ching, and that he addressed himself to the multitudes of Yin and the princes, down to the managers of affairs [see Ying-ta's paraphrase], was the language of modesty. The princes were present, and he took the oppor

tunity to address himself to the king through

them.'

Kang-shing's view of the passage was substantially the same as that of Gan-kwo. That

the king was present, and that the design of