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可以

受受猶足

也若微子之
封武庚則
加 上公必奉汤
乎今

行璧之傳而謬 是 子之始封也必

不封武庚於它那, 以是禮命武庚 紂之故土當是時稍自好也今觀此

者必不為之左右矣其所也非加封之詞也日律乃

與共遊處朝夕之所謀議有民日永綏厥位豈非懲

,今觀此書皆 封之

惟酗于

之故

幸武王 子幼

創武庚之不律不綏而有

攝政而

外姦謀啟此告戒乎史臣之命尊矣

而凶計行自謂可以乘間嚴矣

1

THE BOOKS OF SHANG.

BOOK. IX. THE ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PRINCE OF K'ANG.

勤士百侯四大周惟 可 乃于工甸方邑公三 洪周播男民于初月 大周民邦大東基哉 公和采和國作生

治。咸見衞會洛新魄

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[In the third month, when the moon began to wane, the duke of Chow commenced the foundations and proceeded to build the new great city at Lo of the eastern States. The people from every quarter assembled in great harmony. From the How, Teen, Nan, Ts'ae, and Wei domains, the various officers stimulated this harmony of the people, and introduced them to the business there was for Chow. The duke of Chow encouraged all to diligence, and made a great announcement about the performance of the works.]

THE NAME OF THE Book.康誥 (The | addressed to K'ang, or to"the prince of K'ang,

Announcement to the prince of K'ang.'

Of the

on his appointment to the principality of Wei

ten sons of king Wăn, the ninth was called Fung, the chief city of which was Chaou-ko, which had been the capital of Show. Wei extended westward from the

pres. sub. dep. of K'ae (開州), dep. of Taming in Chih-le, to the borders of the pres. depp. of Wei-hwny and Hwae-king, in Ho-nan.

That the Book should be called an 'Announce

(封), generally spoken of as K'ang Shuh (康 叔). According to the analogy of the titles of the other brothers, Kwan Shuh, Tsae Shuh, &c., we must conclude that K'ang was the name of Fung's appanage, somewhere within the imperial domain. Ma Yung and Wang Suh expressly affirm this. The only ancient scholar who expressed a different opinion was Kang-with reason. The title is no doubt taken from shing, who thought that Kang was the honorary the occurrence of the word announcement in posthumous title of Fung (康為號諡). the last clause of what stands as the first paraBe this as it may, the Book is the Charge graph (乃洪大誥治); but it will be

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ment,' and not a ' Charge) (like the preceding), has occasioned various doubts about it,-and

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and that has the sanction of Mencius, who makes express reference to it, in Bk. V., Pt. II., iv., 4. We have it even so designated thrice in "The Great Learning:'-Comm. i., 1 ; ii., 2 ; ix., 2. This carries up very nearly to Confucius himself. If we affirm, as I think we must do, the opinion of the scholars of Sung, that the 1st paragraph does not belong to this Book but to Bk. XIII., we must say what they have not done, what they would not have ventured to say, even if they had seen to what their argument would lead,-that the great sage here made a mistake in compiling and arranging the

tablets of the Shoo.

The Book is found in both the texts.

THE DATE OF THE ANNOUNCEMENT; AND ITS AUTHOR. The one of these points depends very much upon the other. The prefatory note says:King Ching, having smitten his uncles, the prince of Kwan and the prince of Tsae, invested his uncle of K'ang with the rule of the remnant of Yin. With reference to this, there were made "The Announcement to K'ang," "The Announcement about Wine," and "The Good Materials." According to this account, then, the appointment of the prince of K'ang, in connection with which this Charge was delivered to him, was made by king Ching, or rather by the duke of Chow, acting in the king's name. And it was not till the time of the Sung dynasty that this view was called in question. Sze-ma Ts'een repeatedly affirms it. He says:-Tan, the duke of Chow, having received the commands of king Ching, attacked and slew Wookăng, and then divided the territory of Yin into two parts, appointing the viscount of Wei to one of them, over the principality of Sung, and the prince of K'ang to the other, over Wei'

(周公旦承成王命伐誅武 庚分殷地為二,一封微子 啟于宋一封康叔于微. See Maou K'e-ling,; and also 尙書廣聽錄; the 史記衞康叔世家, and 1. More important still is the testimony given in the under the 4th year of duke Ting (定公四年

;-B.C.

505), where it is said that after king Woo had overthrown the dynasty of Shang, king Ching settled the empire by means of the regent, the duke of Chow, and that the duke appointed his brother the prince of K'ang over seven of the clans of the domain of Yin, with his seat of

government in its capital (封於殷墟).

This view, I have said, was current and uncontradicted for many centuries. Under the

dynasty of Sung, Soo Tung-po was the first to throw out the idea that the first paragraph had erroneously found its way into this Book from among the tablets of the Announcement about Lo.' About the same time, Woo Yih (

he is also called 才老) and other 械;

scholars came to the conclusion that the speaker

in the Book was king Woo, and not the duke of Chow. Choo He adopted their views, and was followed by his disciple Ts'ae Ch'in, who sets forth the grounds of them in the following way:

First, the prince of K'ang was king Ching's uncle, and could not be called by him 'younger brother,' as is the case in the par. 1. To the reply to this that the duke of Chow was really the speaker, and might so address Fung, he responds that the duke of Chow prefaced all the Charge with "The king says,' and the words therefore should only be those appropriate to the lips of the king.

Second, if the Charge were given by the duke of Chow, how do we account for the fact that while there are many references in the Book to king Wăn, there is not one to king Woo? And the same question may be asked with reference to the two Books which follow. The words of par. 4-, have indeed been explained of king Woo, the duke of Chow so speaking of him. But if we suppose that Woo was the speaker, he might very well so describe himself.

On the supposition that the duke of Chow was the speaker, the language is contrary to all rule and propriety.

Third, it has been urged that at the time of the overthrow of Shang, Fung was still young, and unfit to be entrusted with an important govt.; and hence that his appointment took place subsequently, under king Ching. But when king Woo obtained the empire, he was about 90 years old. The ten sons of king Wăn, so often referred to, were all by the same mother; Woo was the second of them :-could there be one among them, when Woo was ninety, too young to be entrusted with an important administration? This point is too clear to

need to be fortified by other considerations

which Ts'ae has adduced.

It cannot be denied that there is much force in the two first of these points. We must assent

also to Tsae's view of the age of the prince of received an appointment on the conquest of K'ang. He was no doubt old enough to have Shang. But other reasons might have prevented his being invested with a principality which would take him from the imperial court. One such reason, quite sufficient, is suggested in the passage of the which has been referred to. It is there said, that, while the duke of Chow was prime minister under the new dynasty, the prince of K'ang was minister of Crime; and this agrees with the prominent place which the subject of punishments occupies in our Book. The two other points, however, remain;

the general style of the Announcement, and particular expressions in it. For many years, when reading the Shoo without thinking of such critical matters as are now in hand, and without regard to commentators, I got the

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越肇威寡◎克丕子侯O 我造威庸不明顯封朕王 -我顯庸敢德◎其若 二區民祇慎文惟弟曰 邦夏用祗鰥罰王乃小孟

2 I. "The king speaks to this effect:-'Head of the princes, 3 my younger brother, little one, Fung.' It was your greatly distinguished father, the king Wan, who was able to illustrate his 4 virtue and be careful in the use of punishments. He did not dare to show any contempt to the widower and widows. He employed the employable, and revered the reverend; he was terrible to those who needed to be awed:-so getting distinction among the people. It was thus he laid the first beginnings of the sway of our small portion of the Empire, and the one or two neighbouring countries were

impression that the speaker in the text must be
king Woo;-see the note in 'The Great Learning,'
Comm., Ch. i. But I now give in my adhesion to
the older view. The authority of the, as
old as the time of Confucius, and of the Preface,
is not to be set aside. The
at the
beginning, and the
throughout the
paragraphs, assimilate the Book closely to the
others in which the duke of Chow is undoubted-
ly the speaker. It will be seen in the notes that
some explanation can be given of the most dif-
flcult expressions; and it is hardly competent
for us to try the language of a man like the
duke of Chow by our ideas of the way in which
he ought to have spoken. Maou applies here,
with considerable force, the saying of Mencius,
that it is not every ordinary man who can
understand the conduct of superior men

子所為眾人不識

It still remains to make a remark or two on THE FIRST PARAGRAPH. It speaks of the founding and completion of the city of Lo, which was one of the later labours of the duke of Chow, and is commonly referred to the 7th year of king Ching. As the scholars of Sung wished to make out that the Charge to the prince of Kang was delivered by king Woo, it was necessary they should remove from it this paragraph;-as was done by Soo Tung-po in the manner which I have related above. But while dissenting from their view of the early origin of the Charge, and not hampered therefore in that respect by the par., I must still maintain the correctness of Shih's decision regarding it. First, it is appropriate at the commencement of the Announcement concerning Lo;' while here it is altogether out of place. What had the building of Lo to do with the investiture of

Fung with the principality of Wei? In the body of the Charge, moreover, there is not a word having reference to Lo, or the reasons which had led the duke of Chow to project the establishment of that new city. Second, the appointment of Fung was to Wei, and must have been contemporaneous with the appointment of the viscount of Wei to the government of Sung. It must have taken place in the 3d or 4th year of king Ching, some years before the building of Lo.

Gan-kwo felt these difficulties, and tried to meet them by supposing that some other noble or nobles had been appointed to rule the remnant of Yin,' during the years that elapsed between the suppression of Woo-kang's rebellion and the building of Lo; and that the result having proved unsatisfactory, the prince of K'ang was then called to the task. This supposition is without any historical ground of support; and Lin Che-k'e prefers the view of a scholar Wang,), who supposed that Fung had been appointed to Wei immediately after the suppression of the rebellion, but that the Charge in this Book was not given to him till the time when Lo was built. But this solution is to the full as unsatisfactory as that of Gan-kwo. The knot cannot be loosed, it seems to me;-why should we hesitate to cut it, by removing the first par. from this Bk. to the 13th? We have seen, indeed, that but for the occurrence of the word 'announcement' in this par., the Book would hardly have been called by its present name; and yet that name was current in the time of Confucius. The sage himself perhaps misplaced the paragraph, or more probably left it, as he found it, in the wrong place. A Chinese critic would not allow this;-a foreign student may say it, when the weight of evidence seems to require him to do

So.

CONTENTS. The key-note of the whole Book | the duke of Chow; but we cannot suppose that is in the clause he was under 70 when he was appointed to Wei.

the illustration of virtue and the careful use of punishments,' in the 3d paragraph. It has been divided into five chapters. The first three parr. (not including par. 1) celebrate the exhibition of

those two things, which was given by king Wan

whereby he laid the foundations of the imperial all his descendants. Parr. 5-7 inculcate on basis of his good govt. of the people intrusted to him. Parr. 8-19, inculcate on him how he should be careful in the use of punishments, and set forth the happy effects that would ensue from his being so. Parr. 20-22 insist on the influence of virtue, as being superior in govt. to that of punishments, and how punishments should all be regulated by the ruler's virtue. The last chapter, parr. 23, 24, winds the subject up with a reference to the uncertainty of the

sway of his House, and afforded an example for Fung how he should illustrate his virtue, as the

3. 明德慎罰,一these words

form the text of the whole Charge. Ts'ae, in

illustration of them, quotes from the

成二年一明德慎罰文王 所以造周也,明德務崇之 之謂也慎罰務法之之謂 With克明德

we may compare the

Canon of Yaou, p. 2. The whole

tenor of this Book, however, makes it more natural to understand the here of king Wan's own virtue as seen in his administration of government. 6 -see The

4. 鰥寡

Great Announcement,' p. 7; et al.

appointments of Heaven, and their dependance for permanence on the discharge of the duties 侮鰥寡the不虐無告,‘Coun

they require from those, on whom they have lighted.

P. 1.

sels of Yu,' p. 3.

-, 'to employ.'

pa See on the Announcement concerning | 祇敬,‘to reverence' 庸庸祇祇

Lŏ.'

Ch. I. Pp. 2-4. THE DUKE OF CHOW,威威-用其所當用敬其

ADDRESSING FUNG AS HIS YOUNGER BROTHER,

SETS FORTH TO HIM THE ADMIRABLE QUALITIES

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-, 'Head of the princes.'

Acc. to the Le Ke, Bk. 4, Pt. ii., p. 2,

every州

or province of the empire, embracing

210 or States, was under the authority of a

chief or 14. We may conclude therefore that

Fung had been invested with that dignity. Fuh-shang has said, indeed, that the son of the emperor when 18 years old, was styled

FF274+

and K'ang-shing supposes that it is king Ching

who is thus addressed in the text. This is one of the extravagances which we are surprised to

find men like Këang Shing and Wang Ming

shing adopting and defending at the present

所當敬威其所當威顯

is a consequence flowing from the virtues

just described,故德著於民;and all that follows, down to sets forth

the further results of Wan's conduct thus

acknowledged by the people. 肇造

我區夏始造我區域於 中夏區者小室之名區 is

the name of a small house.' Here it is employed to denote the original seat of the House of Chow, as but a small territory in the great empire.

惟時怙冒the old interpreters put a stop at 怙, and read 冒 along with the clause that follows. I have followed Ts'ae in joining with. He

:-馨西土之人怙之如 冒之如天 'the people of all the

day. **-**. King west relied on him as a father, and looked up 朕其弟=朕之弟King

Woo might thus have addressed Fung; king to him as to Heaven.' I think the rhythm of

Ching could not thus address him. We must believe that, while the duke of Chow spoke as the representative of the young emperor, his nephew, he addressed Fung from the stand-point

of his own relation to him.

the clauses is thus preserved better, and there

is no more difficulty in interpreting than there is if we join it to. It is used for ‘a covering for the head;' and generally as = cover.' Wǎn's influence was like the gracious overshadowing of the firmament.

'to

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-is often used in the Shoo by emperors, whether old or young, in mock humility, as a depreciatory designation of themselves. In the Great Announcement,' p. 7, we found it inter--we must understand the virtue or preted of the princes of States. Here it is spoken the fame of Wăn as the subject of the verb to Fung and not by him; and we must take it God approved.' The as the language of kindly, brotherly feeling. Fung was younger than either king Woo, or

H. simple 帝 takes the place of 上帝; and

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