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庶越友王于年惟
士我邦日孟春(
明御家喔津大有
聽事君我會三

泰書

誓上

1

In the spring of the thirteenth year, there was a great assembly 2 at Măng-tsin. The king said, “Ah! ye hereditary rulers of my

friendly States, and all ye my officers, managers of my affairs, listen clearly to my declaration.

years.

NAME OF THE Part.- , 'The Books pres. small department of 533. There his deof Chow.' Chow is the dynastic designation scendants remained till B.c. 1326, when Tan-foo, under which Woo and his descendants possessed afterwards styled king Tae in the sacrificial the empire from B.c. 1121--255, a period of 867 ritual of the dynasty, removed to the foot of

They traced their lineage up to Kie mount K'e in the pres, dis. of Kée-san ali ), f), the minister of Agriculture () dep. of Fung-ts'ëang ;-see Men. L., Pt. 1., xiv, under Shun. K'e is said to have been a son of and xv. The State which he established there the emperor Kóuh (B.C. 2432). The marvels of was called Chow. King Tae was succeeded by his birth and infancy are pleasantly described his son Ke-leih, or king Ke, and he again by his in the second Part of the She King, and are duly son Ch'ang, or king Wan, who transmitted his chronicled by Sze-ma Ts'een (**). hereditary dominions, greatly increased, and his He was invested with the principality of Tae then adopted Chow as the designation of the

authority to his son Fă or king Woo Woo (AB), the pres. dis. of Foo-fung (#* JEC), dynasty which he founded.

The Books of Chow were more numerous, as dep. of Fung-ts'ëang 7), in Shen-se.

we might expect, than those of the previous dyIn the time of Këč, B.C. 1796, the fortunes nasties,-even though they belong only to little of the family, which had for some time more than the first half of its history. Nor did been waning, revived under Kung-lew they suffer so much in consequence of the fires of

), who established himself in Pin (sk), the documents there remain 20 whose genuineness

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is uncontested; and only 8 have been entirely , the princes had long been followers of the Chiefs lost. I have said that we might have expected of Chow. The battle of Ming-t'eaou was fought that the Books of Chow would be more numerous by the people of Pỏ, while at Măng-tsin there than those of Shang; but we could not bave was a grand assemblage of the princes with expected that so much larger a proportion of their hosts. With such differences of circumthem should escape the various dangers to which stances, we should expect differences of style and all were equally exposed.

manner. As to what is said of Chow's being The name of the Book - Hs, The

worse than Këč, and the language being more

ornate, these things are accounted for by the Great Declaration.' -t great.' difference of time. Even allowing that the King Woo, having at last taken the field against style was somewhat modified and improved, Chow, makes three speeches to his officers and when the document made its reappearance, we men, expounding the grounds of his enterprise, may well believe that it gives us the views of urging them to play the man with him in the king Woo.' cause of humanity and Heaven. Those are CONTENTS. These may be stated in the brought together, and constitute one grand language with which Le-ts'ëang concludes his whole,-"The great Declaration.'

observations. In the first Part, king Woo adTHE DIFFERENT TEXTS OF THE BOOK. This dresses himself to the princes and others of subject has been treated of in the prolegomena; | inferior rank; in the second, to the hosts of the and I will content myself here with giving the princes; and in the third, to his officers. The summary of the discussions that have been ruling idea in the first is the duty of the soveraised upon it, which is quoted in the in reignis. In what he ought to be and do ; with this ** from Kin Le-ts'ëang's T S K continuity of thought in the second, but the nerely interjecting a remark or two, where his will and purpose of Heaven is the principal

The last Part shows the statements can be fairly called in question. thing insisted on. The text preferred by Keang Shing and other difference between the good sovereign and the modern scholars will also be found, with a

bad, and touches on the consent that there is translation of it, in an appendix to the Book.

between Heaven and men. The Book is bril. Le-ts'ëang says :- The Shoo of Fuh-shang liantly composed, and far transcends the powers did not contain the “Great Declaration.” · [But of any man of a later age to have made it.' see the first Book of Maou K'e-ling's Wrongs of

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST Part. At a great the old Text of the Shoo. The "Great Declara- assemblage of the princes, king Woo sets before tion’ was in the Books of Fuh-shang.) 'It was

them the reasons of his proceeding against in the "Old Text,” found in the wall of Confu- Chow-sin. Starting from the position that the cius' house; but as the commentary of Kung sovereign is ordained by God for the good of Gan-kwð was not entered in the imperial col- the people, he shows how the king of Shang lege during the Hau dynasty, his edition of it acted only to the injury of the people. King did not then become current. Chang Pa (BF but now the duty was devolved upon himselt,

Wăn would have puvished him if he had lived, then fraudulently made a “Great Declara

and with their help he would proceed to obey

the requirement of Heaven. They need have tion," in three Parts, which became current, no fears as to the issue. Favoured by God and and contained the passage about a white tish men, the expedition could not but be crowned entering king Woo's ship,” &c., which is found with success. There are eleven paragraphs in Chung-shoo (Jibu 4F) and Sze-ma 'Ts'een.' which are so connected as to form only one [This passage is found in those writers, and

chapter. also in Ful-shang's Introduction to the Shoo.

Par. 1. The time, place, and occasion of the There is no necessity to say that the Great Declaration. The time was the spring of the 13th Declaration,' current during the Han dynasty, year; but it is hardly possible to place beyond was forged by Chang Pa.] ”But in the time of dispute the prior date from which we are to the Eastern Han, Ma Yung and other scholars calculate this 13th year. In the first place, the became aware that this was not the genuine docu- Preface assigns the time to the 11th year (note ment; and it fell into general discredit, when the 32); and there is no way that can be admitted “Old Text” made its appearance at the con

of reconciling the two accounts. The general mencement of the Eastern Tsin dynasty. Re- view is that the 11 in the preface is a mistake cently, however, this same Old Text has come

for 13, but Lin Che-k'e takes the opposite view, to be suspected by the scholar Woo (H X and contendes, el set the 13 in the text should be " Its language,” he says, “is vehement and to be correct, we find that the standard or com. arrogant, not to be compared with that of the mon chronology reckons from the 1st year of Declaration of Tang. As the docuinent appear. king Woo's accession to the principality of ed so late, we may suppose that the whole of it Chow, which it places in B.c. 1133. This view is not the original text."

is ably argued by Ts'ae Ch.in in loc. On the • In my opinion, the conduct and language of other hand, Gan-kwo said that the 13th year T'ang and Woo were equally responsive to was to be reckoned from king Wan's receiving Heaven and accordant with men. They differed ' (as indicated by circumstances) the appointbecause the circumstances of the men differed. ment of Heaven to the sovereignty of the Tang was the founder of the fortunes of his empire. He is supposed to have then changed House; Woo entered into an inheritance which the style of his reign,-to have begun it afresh was already flourishing. T'ang's enterprise com- with a new 'first year.' Nine years then elapsmenced when men were beginning to look to ed, and his work was not completed ;-the Shang; Woo's was undertaken when many of tyraut was still upon the throne, and Wan

民元作賣物惜物天誓。
父后元聰之人父地
BE I JE. W 靈萬丹萬惟 惟

1115

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3 “Heaven and Earth is the parent of all creatures; and of all

creatures man is the most highly endowed. The sincere, intelligent, and perspicacious among men becomes the great sovereign; and died. Two years more passed by,--the period / -Woo is here styled 'king,' or emperor, by of mourning for him; and then king Woo took anticipation. Had he been defeated, he would the field, but it was not till the year after, the have been “a rebel;' but as his enterprise was 4th year of his reign, that the contest between crowned with success, from the moment he him and Chow-sin was decided. This view is began to operate against Chow-sin, he was the strongly advocated by Maou Kée-ling, against sovereign of China, and the other was only 'a Ts'ae and others, in the third Book of bis solitary fellow' (190# ; Pt. III., 4). 尚書廣聽錄 data on which it is endeavoured to decide the *#*#-Ying-tă saysquestion are by no means certain ;-see a note #, 'they were , as having the same mind in the per te , on the date of and aim with him. # is literally king Woo's birth, under B.c. 1168. I must for highest rulers,' or 'great rulers.' The Daily the present suspend the expression of any Explanation' explains the phrase byopinion of my own on the point.

A controversy, nearly as perplexing, is waged and I Ź, which I have followed in the about the time intended by the spring,' where we should hardly think there was room for any translation. 越我御事庶士,一 difference of view. It has been already observed (on The Instructions of E' Pt. 1., p 1 -54, and;' -Ě or, to prethat while the Hea dyn. began the year with side over,' 'to manage. Top the 1st month of spring (the month ), the Shang began it with the last month of winter #managers of affairs. The Daily Ex(the month T). The Chow dynasty removed planation’ would include the soldiers among the commencement of the year farther back the † as well as the officers, in

- ; still, and made it begin with the second month but it is better not to extend the meaning of the of winter (the month Ť). Ts'ae and a host of

term so far in this passage. Medhurst strangely months of the Hea year; and this appears rea: by—it has fallen to me to manage these followers say that by 'the spring’is intended the and quite erroneously translates to the Tep sonable, for however different dynasties might begin their year in different months, they could affairs.' The address begins with pt, the not change the order of the seasons. The exclamation which ordinarily precedes these spring' of Chow was the same as that of Hea; military speeches. and if we suppose, as is most natural, that the

3. The sovereign is ordained by Heaven and historian is speaking in the text with reference | Earth, because of his virtues, for the good of the to the Chow year, then the month intended by

people. Compare the Announcement of 'the spring 'must be the first month of that Tang,' p. 2. What is to be remarked here is season. Gan-kwo, however, understands the the style of speaking which is new, and places month intended to be the first of the Chow year, • Heaven and Earth’in the place of Heaven and Maou Kóe-ling supports his view. This simply, or "God.' Woo does not always employ question will come up again in the course of this style. In this same Part he employs both this and the two next Books.

the terms which I have mentioned. There can The place where the declaration was made

be no doubt that the deification of Heaven and was Máng-tsin, or at the ‘Ford of Măng :'-sce Earth,' which appears in the text, took its rise the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 7. There was there from the Yih King, of which king Wăn may a great assembly of all the princes who already properly be regarded as the author. No one acknowledged the supremacy of Chow, and were who reads what Wăn says on the first and confederate with Woo to make an end of the second diagrams, and the further explanations tyrant. Gan-kwò says they were the princes of of his son I'an (the duke of Chow), can be surthe two thirds of the empire, who had followed prised to find king Woo speaking as he does in the banner of king Wăn (Ana., VIII., Xx., 4), and the chiefs of many of the wild tribes ;

the text. 惟人萬物之靈-it is along with their various hosts.

man who is the most intelligent of all

creatures.' P. 2. Opening of the address, IE, By Wy in the first clause we understand

池室以以暴民。天受C

世族虐色降弗今 服樹惟官罪敢沈炎敌商 以陵宮人人行酒下上王

But now,

4 the great sovereign is the parent of the people.

Show, the king of Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and 5 inflicts calamities on the people below. He has been abandoned to

drunkenness, and reckless in lust. He has dared to exercise cruel oppression. Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives. He has put men into office on the hereditary principle. He has made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embankments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you, all things,' inanimate as well as animate ; in Show, which Ts'ae says was the name of Chow.' the second clause we must confine the meaning Chow is his epithet in history, conferred upon to animate creatures. The various tribes of him for his cruelty and wickedness ;-see the animals have their several measures of intelli- Dict. on the character (BZ XE Then, as men are superior to other creatures, *t). Lin Che-k'e says that

mit was interto their fellows ;--the sages, who are raised up changed with from the similarity of the two by Heaven, and become the rulers, teachers, - characters in sound, but he must be wrong, beparents, in fact--of the mass. Ch‘in King says on this :- Man is one among all creatures.

cause Show is here used by king Woo before Other creatures, however, get but a portion of the tyrant's death. 上天下民-I the energizing element of nature, while he think these phrases may best be taken as in the receives it complete :-it is this which makes

translation. the nature of man more intelligent and capable

5. 沈酒,一comp沈酬 than that of other creatures. But though men 于酒 in 'The Viscount of West n. 1. are endowed with this capacity and intelligence, there are those who are not able to preserve 1-7 is 'to go forward with the eyes and maintain it, and there must be the quick covered," ="to pursue blindly and recklessly.' apprehending and understanding ruler to be a parent to them. In this way the people are 色一女色 罪人以族-he able all to complete their intelligence. The crimed men according to their relationships.' bage possesses before me that of which I have the meaning is as in the translation. The intelligent beings he is the most intelligent Daily Explanation' has :- FN, 人者萬物之一也,物得氣不但談其一身并其族屬 之偏人得氣之全此人性而刑戮之, Mencing pointent contag one 所以獨處於物,然 人雖

of the glories of king Wan's administration of

K'e, that the wives and children of criminals 此靈 黨,有不能保 者,必

were not involved in their guit'(罪人不 得 聰明之君

hoz; Bk. I., Pt. II., v. 3,) It was one of the 民始得以各全其靈聖人 inciples of Shun that punishments should not #14 Z FT FA ito be extended to the offender's children (Counsels

of the Great Yu, p. 11.) We have seen Yu's son, 靈之靈者耳

(The Speech at Kan, p. 5) and even T'ang, (The Pp. 4, 5. How Chow had forfeited all his title Speech of T'ang, p. 4) menacing their troops to the empire, and king Wăn had been charged to do their duty. That may have been a measure

with the death of their children, if they did not punish him.

4. TEE-I have of war; and "Chow carried it into all the penal hitherto called the tyrant of Shang by the administration of his govt. To what extent dame of Chow (*t), after Sze-ma Ts'een and Chow, we do not learn from the text. Gan

the punishment of relations was carried by Mencius. Here and elsewhere he appears as kwo supposes that the parents, brothers,

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