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In the spring of the thirteenth year, there was a great 'assembly

2 at Māng-tsin. The king said, “Ah! ye hereditary rulers of my

friendly States, and all ye my officers, managers of my affairs, listen clearly to my declaration.

NAME OF THE PART.— #, *The Books pres. small department of #. There his de

of Chow. Chow is the dynastic designation scendants remained till B.C. 1326, when Tan-foo,

under which Woo and his descendants possessed afterwards styled king T'ae in the sacrificial

the empire from B.C. 1121-255, a period of 867 ritual of the dynasty, removed to the foot of

ye: " " " ' ' ' | mount Kein the pres dis of Kesan (lik III), (#), the minister of Agriculture (Jā #) | dep, of Fung-ts'éang;—see Men., I., Pt., II, xiv., under Shun. K'e is said to have been a son of and xv. The State which he established there the emperor Kuh (B.C. 2432). The marvels of was called Chow. King Tae was succeeded by his birth and infancy are pleasantly described | his son Ke-leih, or king Ke, and he again by his in the second Part of the She King, and are duly son Ch'ang, or king Wan, who transmitted his icled by Sze- Ts' hereditary dominions, greatly increased, and his chronic - y : ma seen (. - # | authority to his son Fa or king Woo. Woo He was invested with the principality of Tae then adopted Chow as the designation of the (#5), the pres. dis. of Foo-fung (# JR), dynasty which he founded. t": \ - The Books of Chow were more numerous, as dep. of Fung." 'g (). #). in Shen-se. we might expect than those of the previous dy. In the time of Kee, B.C. 1796, the fortunes nasties,—even though they belong only to little of the family, which had for some time | more than the first half of its history. Nor did aning, revived Kung-l 5\ they suffer so much in consequence of the fires of been w g, - ed under Kung-lew (2\ | Tsin as those of the Shang dynasty. Out of 38 #j), who established himself in Pin (#4), the documents there remain 20 whose genuineness

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merely interjecting a remark or two, where his statements can be fairly called in question. The text preferred by Keang Shing and other modern scholars will also be found, with a translation of it, in an appendix to the Book. Le-ts'éang says:—“The Shoo of Fuh-shang did not contain the “Great Declaration.”’ [But see the first Book of Maou K'e-ling's ‘Wrongs of the old Text of the Shoo. The ‘Great Declaration’ was in the Books of Fuh-shang.] ‘It was in the “Old Text,” found in the wall of Confucius' house; but as the commentary of K'ung Gan-kwó was not entered in the imperial college during the Han dynasty, his edition of it

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“Its language,” he says, “is vehement and arrogant, not to be compared with that of the Declaration of T'ang. As the document appeared so late, we may suppose that the whole of it is not the original text.” “In my opinion, the conduct and language of T'ang and Woo were equally responsive to Heaven and accordant with men. They differed because the circumstances of the men differed. T'ang was the founder of the fortunes of his House; Woo entered into an inheritance which was already flourishing. T'ang's enterprise commenced when men were beginning to look to Shang; Woo's was undertaken when many of

the princes had long been followers of the Chiefs of Chow. The battle of Ming-teaou was fought by the people of Pó, while at Māng-tsin there was a grand assemblage of the princes with their hosts. With such differences of circumstances, we should expect differences of style and manner. As to what is said of Chow's being worse than Kéé, and the language being more ornate, these things are accounted for by the difference of time. Even allowing that the style was somewhat modified and improved, when the document made its reappearance, we may well believe that it gives us the views of king Woo.” CoNTENTs. These may be stated in the language with which Le-ts'éang concludes his observations.—‘In the first Part, king Woo addresses himself to the princes and others of inferior rank; in the second, to the hosts of the princes; and in the third, to his officers. The ruling idea in the first is the duty of the sovereign,—what he ought to be and do; with this it begins and ends. There is not the same continuity of thought in the second, but the will and purpose of Heaven is the principal thing insisted on. The last Part shows the difference between the good sovereign and the bad, and touches on the consent that there is between Heaven and men. The Book is brilliantly composed, and far transcends the powers of any man of a later age to have made it.’ CoNTENTs of THE FIRST PART. At a great assemblage of the princes, king Woo sets before them the reasons of his proceeding against Chow-sin. Starting from the position that the sovereign is ordained by God for the good of the people, he shows how the king of Shang acted only to the injury of the people. King Wän would have punished him if he had lived, but now the duty was devolved upon himself, and with their help he would proceed to obey the requirement of Heaven. They need have no fears as to the issue. Favoured by God and men, the expedition could not but be crowned with success. There are eleven paragraphs which are so connected as to form only one chapter. Par. 1. The time, place, and occasion of the Declaration. The time was the spring of the 13th year; but it is hardly possible to place beyond dispute the prior date from which we are to calculate this 13th year. In the first place, the Preface assigns the time to the 11th year (note 32); and there is no way that can be admitted of reconciling the two accounts. The general view is that the 11 in the preface is a mistake for 13, but Lin Che-ke takes the opposite view, and contends that the 13 in the text should be ll. In the second place, admitting the text to be correct, we find that the standard or common chronology reckons from the 1st year of king Woo's accession to the principality of Chow, which it places in B.C. 1133. This view is ably argued by Ts'ae Ch'in in loc. On the other hand, Gan-kwó said that the 13th year was to be reckoned from king Wän's receiving (as indicated by circumstances) the appointment of Heaven to the sovereignty of the empire. He is supposed to have then changed the style of his reign,—to have begun it afresh with a new ‘first year. Nine years then elaps

ed, and his work was not completed;—the

tyrant was still upon the throne, and Wan

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“Heaven and Earth is the parent of all creatures; and of all

creatures man is the most highly endowed.

The sincere, intelligent,

and perspicacious among men becomes the great sovereign; and

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the 1st month of spring (the month #), the Shang began it with the last month of winter (the month +). The Chow dynasty removed the commencement of the year farther back still, and made it begin with the second month of winter (the month #). Ts'ae and a host of

followers say that by “the spring is intended the months of the Hea year; and this appears reasonable, for however different dynasties might begin their year in different months, they could not change the order of the seasons. The “spring” of Chow was the same as that of Hea; and if we suppose, as is most natural, that the historian is speaking in the text with reference to the Chow year, then the month intended by ‘the spring” must be the first month of that season. Gan-kwó, however, understands the month intended to be the first of the Chow year, and Maou K'e-ling supports his view. This question will come up again in the course of this and the two next Books. The place where the declaration was made was Māng-tsin, or at the ‘Ford of Mäng:'—see the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 7. There was there a great assembly of all the princes who already acknowledged the supremacy of Chow, and were confederate with Woo to make an end of the tyrant. Gan-kwö says they were the princes of the two thirds of the empire, who had followed the banner of king Wan (Ana, VIII., xx, 4), and the chiefs of many of the wild tribes;along with their various hosts. -E E,

P. 2. Opening of the address,

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exclamation which ordinarily precedes these military speeches. 3. The sovereign is ordained by Heaven and Earth, because of his virtues, for the good of the people. Compare the ‘Announcement of T'ang, p. 2. What is to be remarked here is the style of speaking which is new, and places “Heaven and Earth’ in the place of “Heaven’ simply, or “God.” Woo does not always employ this style. In this same Part he employs both the terms which I have mentioned. There can be no doubt that the deification of “Heaven and Earth, which appears in the text, took its rise from the Yih King, of which king Wän may properly be regarded as the author. No one who reads what Wän says on the first and second diagrams, and the further explanations of his son Tan (the duke of Chow), can be surprised to find king Woo speaking as he does in

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man who is the most intelligent of all creatures.’ By # '#1 in the first clause we understand

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Show, the king of Shang, does not reverence 5 inflicts calamities on the people below.

drunkenness, and reckless in lust.

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e has put men into office on the hereditary principle.

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He has been abandoned to He has dared to exercise cruel

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Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives.

He has

made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embankments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you,

“all things, inanimate as well as animate; in
the second clause we must confine the meaning
to animate creatures. The various tribes of
animals have their several measures of intelli-
gence, but all are very inferior to men.
Then, as men are superior to other creatures,
there appear among them those who are superior
to their fellows;—the sages, who are raised up
by Heaven, and become the rulers, teachers,—
parents, in fact—of the mass. Ch'in King says
on this:—‘Man is one among all creatures.
Other creatures, however, get but a portion of
the emergizing element of nature, while he
receives it complete:—it is this which makes
the nature of man more intelligent and capable
than that of other creatures. But though men
are endowed with this capacity and intelligence,
there are those who are not able to preserve
and maintain it, and there must be the quick-
apprehending and understanding ruler to be a
parent to them. In this way the people are
able all to complete their intelligence. The
sage possesses before me that of which I have
the seeds in common with himself; and among
intelligent beings he is the most intelligent’

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--- ).

# 4, 5. How Chow had forfeited all his title to the empire, and king Wān had been charged to punish him. 4. HE ,—I have hitherto called the tyrant of Shang by the name of Chow (#). after Sze-ma Tseen and

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Mencius. Here and elsewhere he appears as

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principles of Shun that punishments should not be extended to the offender's children (Counsels of the Great Yu, p. 11.) We have seen Yu's son, £ Speech at Kan, p. 5) and even T'ang, (The Speech of T'ang, p. 4) menacing their troops with the death of their children, if they did not do their duty...That may have been a measure of war; and Chow carried it into all the penal administration of his govt. To what extent the punishment of relations was carried by Chow, we do not learn from the text. Gankwó supposes that the parents, brothers,

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