Thirteenth year. 十章. + 十二章 宋師于嵒 夏許男成 三章 公會晉侯及吳子于黄池 楚公子申帥師伐陳 越入吳 秋公至自會無庸不可周徒五 百魏曼多帥師侵 郭許元公 九月螽 得桓魋者有賞魋也逃巋遂取宋師于嵒獲成讙 郜延以六邑為虛 公會單平公晉定公吳夫差于黄祂 六月丙子越子伐吳爲二隊疇無餘謳陽自南方 人告敗於王王惡其聞也自到七人於幕下 十有一月有星孛于東方 張晉人日於姬姓我爲伯趙鞅呼司馬寅日日旺 盜殺陳夏區夫 十有二月螽 矣大事未成二臣之罪也建鼓整列二臣死之長 幼必可知也對日請姑視之反日肉食者無墨今 吳王有墨國勝乎大子死乎且夷德輕不忍人請 少待之乃先晉人吳人將以公見晉侯子服景伯 可則日兮,显宰吳世 矣.繫 宰庚 景伯吳申叔儀乞糧於公孫有山氏曰佩 勝諾粱余景嚭實有將六悔 也,王則無伯。言然職以人 伯男爲爲不諸對 王謂自月遲囚 無所吳於且焉十從將侯半敝今做侯 日魯襄上速景以以將侯之 無不以辛唯伯侯屬 諸邑師 為者若先及於有 君於王牧 七不王戶魯焉事八見晉以以 不人,會,季牖, 吳晉百晉無下,見 宗而大以乃執若則及聘王、 癸之玉之焉.將畢,宰二止事為晉焉玉伯 日乎對燊乃犬日何日乘旣以子成以帛合 XIII. 1 In the [duke's] thirteenth year, Han Tah of Ching,at 2 the head of a force, captured the army of Sung at Yen. In suininer, Ching, baron of Hen, died. 3 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin and the viscount of Woo at Hwang-ch'e. 4 The Kung-tsze Shin of Ts'oo led a force and invaded Ch'in. 5 Yu-yueh entered [the capital of] Woo. 6 In autumn, the duke arrived from the meeting at 7 Wei Man-to of Tsin, at the head of a force, made an in 8 9 cursion into Wei. There was the burial of duke Yuen of Heu. In the ninth month, there were locusts. 10 In winter, in the eleventh month, a conet was seen in 11 12 the east. A ruffian killed Hea Gow-foo of Ch'in. Par. 1. The Chuen continues here the nar- | force, after laying siege to Yen the preceding Par. 3. We might translate, by 'near the pool of Hwang.' The place was in Wei,-in the southwest of the pres. dis. of Fung-k'ew(), dep. K'ae-fung. The Chuen says:In summer, the duke had a meeting with duke Ping of Shen, duke Ting of Tsin, and Foo-ch'ae of Woo, at Hwang-ch'e.' There was thus a royal commissioner present at the meeting, and this may be the reason why we have Foo-ch'ae mentioned as 'the viscount of Woo. Top says, 'Foo-ch'ae wished to take the lead ship of the States of the kingdom, and honour the son of Heaven; he therefore laid aside his usurped title [of king], and called himself "viscount" in sending his notices and orders to the various States; and it was thus that the historiographers received and wrote the title.' See further on the narrative appended to par. 5. Par. 4. Under the last par. of the 10th year, it seemed to be agreed upon by Ts'oo and Woo that Ch'in should be left alone. Tsoo, however, now takes advantage of Woo's being engaged in the north to attack Chin. presidency of all the Kes." Chaou Yang called the marshal Yin to him, and said, "The day is declining, and this great matter is not yet settled; it is the fault of us two. Set up the drums, and put the ranks in order. We will die in the struggle, and the right and the wrong (lit; the old and the young) shall be clearly known." The marshal begged Yang to let him go in the returned, he said, "Those who eat flesh should have no black [under their eyes]. But now the king of Woo has such blackness. Has his capital been conquered? Or has his eldest son died? Moreover, the nature of those eastern tribes is light; they cannot hold out long. Let us wait a little for their decision." Accordingly [Woo] gave precedence to Tsin. meantime and see the viscount. When he "The people of Woo wanted to go with the duke and present him to the marquis of Tsin, but Tsze-fuh King-pih replied to their messenger, "When the king assembles the States, the leading prince conducts the other princes and pastors to present them to him. When a leading prince assembles the States then the [pastor-] marquis leads the viscounts and barons and presents them to him. From the king down, the symbols of jade and offerings of silk at the court and complimentary visits to other States are different. Hence the contributions of our poor States to Woo are larger [now] than to Tsin, embracing everything, because we consider [the lord of Woo] Par. 5. Here Yueh repays, and more than to be the leading prince. The States are now repays, Woo for its defeat at Foo-tsënou;-see the assembled, and your ruler wishes to present narrative after the 2d par. of the 1st year. The ours to the ruler of Tsin, whose position as the Chuen says: In the 6th month, on Ping-tsze, ruling prince will thus be settled. Our State the viscount of Yueh invaded Woo by two ways. must change its contributions. The levies with Ch'ow Woo-yu and Gow Yang, coming [on which Loo follows Woo are 800 chariots. If land] from the south, arrived at the suburbs of our ruler be reduced to the rank of a viscount the capital first, and were observed by Yew, the or baron, then he will follow Woo with halt the heir-son of Woo, the king's son Te, the Wang- levies of Choo, and do service to Tsin with [an sun Me-yung, and Show Yu-yaou from [a amount equal to] the whole levies of Choo. height near] the Hung. Me-yung, seeing the Morcover, your officers called the States to this flag of [the men of] Koo-mëeh, said, "There's meeting by the authority of the leading prince; my father's flag. I must not see those enemies if you end it by taking the position of a mar[who slew him], and not slay them." The heir- quisate, what advantage have you?" The peoson said, "If we fight and do not gain the vic-ple of Woo on this desisted from their purpose; tory, we shall cause the ruin of the State. Please let us wait." Me-yung. however, would not do so, and collected his followers, amounting to 5,000 men. The king's son Te assisted him; and on Yih-yew they fought a battle, when Me-yung captured Chow Woo-yu, and Te captured Gow Yang. The viscount of Yueh, however, arrived soon after. Te then remained in the city to defend it, but another battle was fought on Ping-seuh, when the viscount inflicted a great defeat on the army of Woo, and captured the heir-son Yew, the Wang-sun Meyung, and Show Yu-yaou. On Ting-hae, he entered the capital. The people of Woo sent information of their defeat to the king, who so disliked the intelligence, that he himself cut the throats of 7 men about his tent (To prevent their spreading the news). [The Chuen now gives the sequel of par. 3.'In autumn, in the 7th month, on Sin-ch'ow, a covenant was made, when Woo and Tsin disputed about the precedence. They said on the side of Woo, "In relation to the House of Chow, we are the eldest branch (As being descended from Tae-pih, see Ana. VIII. i.).” On the side of Tain they said, "We have the but afterwards they repented that they had done so, and were going to imprison King-pih, who said, "I have appointed my successor in Loo. I will follow you with two chariots and six men. Let it be sooner or later according as you command." They were then returning with him as a prisoner, but when they got to Hoo-yew, he said to the grand-administrator, "Loo has a sacrifice on the first Sin-day of the 10th month to God and the ancient kings, which is finished on the last Sin-day, and at which I have duties to perform, hereditary in my family. There has been no change in them since the time of [duke] Sëang. If I am not present, the priests and temple-keeper will say [to the Spirits] that Woo is the cause of my absence. Suppose, moreover, that Loo has behaved disrespectfully, what loss does it sustain in your holding seven individuals who are of small- rank in it?" The grand-administrator represented to the king that their prisoners were no loss to Loo, and only gave themselves a [bad] name, so that they had better send them back; and they accordingly sent King-pih back.' 'Shin Shuh-e (Of Woo) begged some food from Kung-sun Yöw-shan (Of Loo), saying, "Stones for my girdle I have, all complete, But no girdle to which I can tie them; And a vessel of spirits clear and sweet, But with this hair-clad man I but eye them." Yew-shan replied, "I have no [good] millet, but I have some coarse. If you get up mount Show, and cry out, Kăng, Kwei! then I will do what you ask." The king wanted to attack Sung, and to put its males to death, and take its women prisoners. The grand-administrator, Pei, said, "You may vanquish [Sung], but you cannot occupy it." Accordingly they returned to Woo.' The Chuen says that at this meeting and covenant the precedence was given to Tsin, and so the text would seem to Bay,一公會晉侯 . Kung-yang, however, says that Woo presided over the meeting (†), and in the chapter about Woo, in the Narratives of the States (Bk. VII. art. 7),' it is expressly said that the duke of Woo took the or precedence at the covenant (吳公先歃 ), to which Tsin was obliged to consent by a demonstration of an intention to proceed to hostilities on the part of Woo, Tsin glossing over its humiliation by getting the viscount to give up for the time his assumed title of king. The Kang-he editors say on the subject, 'Former scholars have taken different sides on this question, some agreeing with Tso-she, and others with the Narratives of Woo. If we con sider the case of the covenant of Sung, how, when Tsin was still in the possession of its strength, it yet conceded the precedence to Ts'oo, it appears reasonable to say that Ting of Tsin could not now take precedence of Woo. But again when we consider how, while Woo was at this meeting, news was brought to the king of the danger the State was in from Yueh, and how in his alarm he cut the throats of 7 men who brought the news, it also appears reasonable to say that, with such a reason for apprehension, he would not dare to contest the precedence any longer. There is a connexion in the narrative of the Ch'un Ts'ëw, and it appears to be matter of fact. The view of Chaou Kwang, that Woo and Tsin met on equal terms, just as when host and guest now drink to each other, so that the historians of Tsin represented that Tsin had the precedence, while those of Woo assigned it to Woo, each side supporting its own ruler, seems also to be reasonable; and we therefore give it a place.' I do not think that there are sufficient grounds for a positive decision in the matter. The meeting was, no doubt, called by Woo, as assuming to take the lead in the States; but the intelligence of the invasion by Yueh may have emboldened Tsin to claim the precedence at the covenant, and obliged Woo to yield it. As to the question about the title, 'viscount of Woo,' in the text, no doubt that was the title used on this occasion by the chief of that State, as he had got the royal sanction for calling the princes together. Still, we find the viscount of Woo' in previous paragraphs;-see XI. iv. 14, et al. Par. 7. Kung-yang leaves out the in the name. "Tsin,' says Heu Han, 'could now do nothing more than "make incursions." Its prestige was gone. The three great families in it were eager only for their own advantage, and careless of the common weal or glory of the State.' Parr. 9, 12. See on the last par. of last year. Wang Taou proposes to transfer to the 12th par. of this year the Chuen which appears there. There was,' he says, 'an intercalary month this year, so that the 12th month of Chow was the 9th month of Hea, and the Ho star had not disappeared from the heavens. all doubts are resolved. Confucius might corBring that narrative to its proper place, and rectly say that the Ho star was still in the west, for there it was. The officers of the calendar might make a mistake; but he did not do so.' Par. 10. -see VI. xiv. 5; X. xvii. 5. In those two passages we have the constellation or space of the heavens where the comet appear ed specified. There being no such specification here, but ouly that it was in the eastern quarter, is taken as a proof that it was visible in the morn ing. Many scholars tell us that its appearance in the east portended the approaching downfall of Woo, the great eastern Power. Par. 11. Kung-yang has for. None of the Chuen give any particulars of this event. It is the 4th instance which we have in the text of a death perpetrated by the hands of ruffians, either really nameless, or purposely left so. Fourteenth year. 麟獲狩西春年,四有十 取也,之,仲賜不麟鉏之叔於春,十左 之,然日尼虞祥以商車孫大西四傳 後麟觀人,以為獲子氏野狩年日, XIV. 1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, [some] hunters in the west captured a lin. The Chuen says:-This spring, they were hunting westwards in Ta-yay, and Ts'oo-shang, one of Shuh-sun's waggoners, captured a lin. Thinking the thing was inauspicious, he gave [the creature] to the forester. Chung-ne went to see it and said, “It is a lin;" on which they took it, [and carried it away to the capital].' The Chuen enables us to determine the in the text as meaning the west of Loo. Tayay was the name of a marsh,—in the pres. dis. of Keu-yay (1), dep. Ts'aou-chow. is the name of the winter hunt, used here appropriately, because the greater portion of the spring of Chow was really in the natural winter, or that of Hea. The winter hunt was such a regular thing, that we can suppose it to be mentioned here only because of the unusual circumstance of the finding the lin. The finding of this lin has so important a place in the accounts of the composition of the Chun Ts'ëw, that it may be well to give here the account of it, which we find in the Family Sayings,' or as we may term the work, The apocryphal Analects;' the more especially as it agrees a good deal with what we find in Kung-yang.—A waggoner of Shuh-sun's, Tsze-ts'oo-shang, was gathering firewood in Ta-yay, when he found a lin. Having broken its fore left leg, he carried it home with him in a carriage. Shuh-sun thinking it inauspicious, threw it away outside the suburbs, and sent a messenger to tell Confucius of it, saying, "What is it? It is an antelope and horned." Confucius went to see it, and said, "It is a lin. Why has it come? Why has it come?" He took the back of his sleeve and wiped his face, while his tears wet the lapel of his coat. When Shuh-sun heard what it was, he sent and had | 孔子曰麟之至為明王也 *‡ 傷焉) What was the lin? The earliest mention of it is in the She, I. i. ode XI., where the sons of king Wan are compared to its feet, its forehead, and its horn; but neither there, nor anywhere else in the classics, is there a description of it, by which we might be able to identify it. The Urh-ya describes it as having the body of an antelope, the tail of an ox, and one horn. The Shwoh-wăn, the earliest dictionary, published A.D. 100, says, ‘The k‘e-lin; 'e is the name of the male, and lin that of the female) is a benevolent animal, having a horse's body, an ox's tail, and a horn of flesh." As early as the beginning of the Christian era, the lin had thus become the name of a fabulous, animal. Later accounts, as we might expect, improve on the Urh-ya and Shwoh-wăn. See Medhurst on the character Williams says, ' Lin,—the female of the unicorn. The idea of the Chinese unicorn may have been derived from a one-horned Tibetan equine animal.' All this does not help us to a satisfactory answer to the question of what the lin was. We may be sure there never was such an animal as the lexicographers and scholars of China describe and delight to dwell upon. If Confucius saw any animal at all, we can only suppose it was some sort of antelope, uncommon in Loo. For my part, I doubt whether this paragraph be from him at all. The importance attaching to it arises from the circumstance that with it the Ch'un Ts'ew, so far as it is the work of Confucius, is all but universally believed to terminate. The editions by Kung-yang and Kuh-lëang, indeed, end with this; but Tso-she continued his labours on to the 4th year of duke Taou, who followed Gae; and up to the day Ke-ch'ow of the 4th month of Gae's 16th year, the regular form of all the preceding annals is preserved, the disciples as their master had done, down to the day of his death, and Tso-she continuing his labours on them, and on subsequent years in his own fashion. Having determined to translate all of it brought [to the city]. Tsze-kung asked the master why he wept, and Confucius said, "The lin comes [only] when there is an intelligent king. Now it has appeared when it is not the time for it to do so, and it has been injured. This is why I was so much affected." See the 家語 at the end of the 16th chapter. (having digested, it is said, the records of Loo, 孫氏之車士日子鉏商探 薪於大野,獲麟焉析其前 ★ ¿ œ И 祥棄之於郭外使人告孔 do so. The difference between the disciples' 子曰有磨而角者何也孔 a by the small type of the original and the 子往觀之曰麟也胡為來 translation. A few remarks are still necessary on the 哉胡為來哉反袂拭面涕 Connexion which hae been and is maintained 泣沾祫,叔孫聞之然後取 between the appearance of the lin, and the 之子貢問曰夫子何爾 and a host of followers. was so impressed by Tso-she's collections in this work, I proceed to supplement and the previous text will be mark composition of the text. Confucius, say Too |