boured anywhere. The marquises of Tse and Wei behaved disrespectfully at it, which made Shuh-hëang say, "These two princess are sure not to escape an evil end. These meetings and visits at courts are standard ceremonies; such ceremonies are the vehicles of government; it is through government that men's persons are guarded. When the ceremonies are dishonoured, government is lost; and when government is not firmly established, disorder must ensue.” ‘Che Kte, Chung-hang He, Chow Ch'oh, and Hing Kwae, all fled [from Tsin] to Tste, being partizans of the Lwan family. Yoh Wang-foo said to Fan Sëuen-tsze, "Why not bring back Chow Ch'oh and Hing Kwae who are men of daring courage ?" “ They are braves of the Lwan family," replied Seuen-tsze.“ What should I gain ?" Wang-foo said “ Be to them what the Lwan was, and they will also be your braves." 'Duke Chwang of Ts'e, at his audience [one day], pointed to Chih Choh and Kwoh Tsuy, and said, "These are my heroes." Chow Ch'oh said, “ If your lordship thinks them heroes, who may not presume to be reckoned a hero? But unworthy as I am, after the service at Pingyin, (See on xviii.4), I crowed before them both." Duke Chwang having instituted an order of bravery, Chih Ch'oh and Kwoh Tsuy wished to belong to it. Chow Ch'oh said, "In the attack on the eastern gate, my outside horse on the left turned wildly round in the gate, and I know the number of the boards in it;-can I be allowed for this to belong to the order?" The duke said, “You were acting for the ruler of Tsin.” “ But I am newly become your servant," replied the other. “As to those two, they are like beasts, whose flesh I will eat, and then sleep upon their skins.”, [The K'ang-he editors give here the following note on the birth of Confucius:- According to the Chuen of Kung-yang, Confucius was born in the 11th month of Seang's 21st year, on the day Kang-tsze; and according to that of Kuhlëang, he was born on Kăng-tsze, in the 10th month of this year. The "Historical Records," | | | however, give his birth, as in the 22d year of Seang. In the preface to his "Collected Comments on the Analects, Choo He, using the “ History of the Kung family," thus defers to the authority of the “ Historical Records," while Sung Lëen (Ming dynasty), in his “ Discussion of the month and year of Confucius' Birth and Death," vehemently maintains the authority of Kung and Kuh. He adduces, however, no incontestible evidence of their | correctness, merely saying that the “ Historical Records" contain many errors, and that the statement of Kung and Kuh, handed down from one man to another, is to be relied upon, as having been supported by proofs. Hea Hung-ke says, * Confucius was born in the 22d year of Sëang, and lived to the 16th year of Gae, so that he was then 73 years old. The account in the Historical Records' is correct. The month as given by Kung-yang is wrong;-how can we place implicit confidence in him? Sung Lëen, following Kung and Kuh. makes the sage to have been 74 years old, which seems a strange thing to hear of." This view of Hea's is the best. The prolegomena to the “ General Mirror of History " observe, moreover, that in the 21st year of Seang the sun was twice eclipsed, which does not appear a proper year for the sage to be born in;-and this consideration is not without its reasonableness! Confucius was born in a Kang-seuh year, and died in a Jinseuh;-such is the account that has long obtained. Giving a paramount authority to Choo He, and comparing with him the statements of Hea and the prolegomena to the "General Mirror," we may assume that the “ Historical Records" are not in error in this matter. "The year of the sage's birth ought be noticed in connection with the Ch'un Ts'ëw, but there is no article in the Chuen of Tso-she on Seang's 22d year, to which it could be annexed; we have therefore preserved here the statements of Kung and Kuh, and discussed them in this note.’See the proleg. to Vol. I., p.59]. Thirty second year. 大公子公冬夏月二 夫至子邾衞公七四公十 公自于子侯會月月。至有 會沙薛鄭晉辛 自 隨,伯伯,侯、西 杞曹齊叔 伯伯侯老 小莒宋卒。 舒®楚 年春王正 YEAR XXII. 令左傳日二十二年春臧武仲如晉雨過御权御叔在其邑將飲酒日焉用聖人我將飲酒而已雨行何以聖 爲穆叔聞之曰不可使也而傲使人國之蠹也令倍其賦 今夏晉人徵朝於鄭鄭人使少正公孫僑對日在晉先君悼公九年我寡君於是卽位卽位八月而我先大大 今秋欒盈自楚適齊晏平仲會於齊侯日商任之會受命於晉今納欒氏將安用之小所以事大信也失信不 會于沙隨復錮欒氏也欒盈猶在齊晏子日禍將作矣齊將伐晉不可以不懼 楚觀起有寵於令尹子南未益祿而有馬數十乘楚人患之王將討焉子南之子棄疾爲王御士王每見之必 七日邑。可日,罪,是朝,退還復將日,南洩爾泣。 妻國丁千不吾觀懼吾從子使 之命所楽 者卿已,二然見起何懼之者入疾臣重知疾 使君其月請申車敢不 不入八 謂刑,也,日 復之夫 止.叔 所也子明 ,故曰,見,中,無令臣許請不討 使民明 人 所不何吾又祿尹王之徙為焉,臣 游之殺如者謂懼,故.過,從而公乎 乎旣 子王爾矣 民主之晉而生自對子之多子 日,葬.尸 未後死御日,姑遂馬 遂其敢 其於殺居問 怨不其出 而而昔告歸,他為徒朝子乎。誰 妻竟安肉歸觀我退日司事日日南對 不起何朝朝馬讐行君於 行君於日,罪 也能有疾見與屈吾乎。臣朝也 知當寵我之申建弗日,有 戮王 我道於也。日叔為忍吾禮觀子日, 者至子對子豫莫也。與唯起居合 如 謂南. 三言 敖R遂 於君 類大 求叔,於 困弗 益吾三四 我應 而父子竟用不 則者得免於而於死行三子之能, XXII. 1 In his twenty-second year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke arrived from the meeting. 2 It was summer, the fourth month. 3 4 5 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Sin-yëw, Shuh In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquises of The duke arrived from the meeting. 6 Tsoo put to death its great officer Chuy-shoo. Par. 1. [The Chuen introduces here:- This Par. 2. [We have here in the Chuen the folspring, Tsang Woo-chung was going to Tsin,lowing narrative about the relations of Tsin and and was passing by [the city of] Yu Shnh (=Shuh of Yu), when it rained. Shuh was then in the city, and about to set to drinking. He said, "What occasion is there for employing a sage? I will do nothing but drink. Travelling thus in the rain, what sageness can he be possessed of?" When Muh-shuh (Shuhsun Paou) heard of this, he said, "[This Yu Shuh] is not fit to be sent on any mission. Carrying himself so proudly to our messenger, he is one of the vermin of the State." He then ordered that his contribution to the State should be doubled].’ Ching: --‘In summer, the people of Tsin sunmoned [the earl of] Ch'ing to appear at their court, when the people of Ch'ing employed the Shaou-ching, Kung-sun K‘ëaou (Tsze-ch'an), to reply, which he did as follows:-"In the 9th year of duke Taou, the last ruler of Tsin (the 9th year of Sëang), our ruler succeeded to the State; and eight months after, our late great officer, Tsze-sze (the Kung-tsze Fei, 酢), followed him to the presence of your ministers in your court. They did not behave courteously to him, on which he was afraid and took his departure; and in the 6th month of his second year we went to the court of Ts'oo. In consequence of this, Tsin made the campaign of He (See on ix. 5). But Ts'oo was still strong, and repeated its courteous treatment of our State. We wished to follow your ministers, but were afraid they would find great matter of offence in our conduct. Tsin, we thought, will say that we do not respond respectfully to courtesy; and on this account we did not dare to separate from Ts'oo. In our ruler's 4th year, in the 3d month, our late great officer Keaou (Kung-sun Ch‘ae) attended him to Ts'oo, to see what course it would be proper for us to adopt; and on this Tsin made the campaign of Seaou-yu (See on xi. 8). Then it said that our State was near to that of Tsin, and that they were like plants which had the same fragrance;-why then should they presume to be in unequal relations? At this time Ts'oo did not shew strength, and our ruler brought forth all the productions of the State, and added to them the vessels of his ancestral temple, that he might enter into a common covenant. He then led his servants to follow your ministers, and was present in your court at the end of the year. On his return, he punished Tsze how and Shih Yu, who were inclined towards Ts'oo. "The year after [the meeting at] Keih-lëang (See xvi. 2), Tsze-këaou being old, Kung-sun Hea attended our ruler to your court, when he had an audience at the summer sacrifice, and assisted in holding the offerings of flesh. When two years had intervened, hearing that your ruler was about to pacify the States of the east, he again went to your court in the 4th month, to ascertain the time for the enterprize. Between his appearances at your court, there has been no year in which he has not sent a mission of friendly inquiries, there has been no service in which he has not taken his share. Through the orders of your great State coming not at regular times our State has been wearied and distressed; at any time some unlooked for requirement might come; every day are we careful not to give offence; -how should we dare to forget our duty? If your great State will grant us stable rest morning and evening, our ruler will be found in your court, without your having to condescend to send him any order to appear. But if you do not have pity on our distress, and fill your mouth with complaints against us, shall we not then be unable to endure your commands? You will be clipping our territory, and we shall become enemies to each other. This is what our State is afraid of; how dare we be unmindful of your ruler's order? We thus lay the case before his ministers; let them consult about it as its importance requires.'] Par. 3. See on xiv. 1. Shuh Laou was succeeded in the position of great officer by his son Kung(), known as Tsze-shuh Kingtsze (子叔敬子). [The Chuen returns here to the affairs of Lwan Ying of Tsin :-'In autumn, Lwan Ying went from Ts'oo to Ts'e, on which occasion Gan Pring-chung said to the marquis of Ts'e, "At the meeting of Shang-jin, you received the command of Tsin [not to harbour Lwan]; if you now receive him, where will be the use of that meeting? It is by good faith that a small State serves a large one. If its good faith be lost, it cannot stand. Let your lordship consider it." The marquis would not listen to him, and Ping-chung withdrew, and told Ch'in Wantsze, saying, "Rulers should hold fast good faith, and their subjects reverent obedience. It is the rule of Heaven that high and low should all observe true-heartedness, good faith, honesty, and reverence. Our ruler is throwing himself away;-he cannot continue long.' We have then another narrative about an officer of Ch'ing:-'In the 9th month, the Kung-sun Hih-kwang of Ching called to him the steward of his house, and his kinsmen who took part with him in his ancestral temple, and told them to support [his son] Twan in his place, requiring them to diminish the number of his officers and the style of his sacrifices. A single sheep would be sufficient at the seasonal services, and a sheep and a pig at the grand sacrifice once in 3 years. Retaining a sufficient number of towns to supply these sacrifices, he gave all the rest back to the duke, saying, "I have heard that when one is born in an age of disorder, the best thing for him is to be able to be poor. When the people have nothing to require from him, his family will endure longer than the families of others. Reverently and dutifully," [said he to his son], "serve your ruler, and the officers, [his ministers]. Your life will depend on your reverence and caution, and not on your riches." On Ke-sze, Pih-chang (Hih-kwăng) died. The superior man will say that he was wise in the cautions which he gave. What the ode says (She, III. iii. ode II. 5), 'Be careful of your duties as a prince; Be prepared for the dangers that may arise,' was exemplified by Tsze-chang of Ch'ing."] Par. 4. Kung and Kuh have here after. Sha-suy,—see VIII. xvi. 8. The Chuen says: "This meeting at Sha-suy was to take further measures to prevent the harbouring of Lwan [Ying]. He was still in Ts'e, and Gan-tsze said, "Calamity is about to develop itself. Ts'e will attack Tsin. There is ground for us to cherish apprehension." Par. 6. See the Chuen after par. 4 of last year. The Chuen here says:-'Kwan K'e of Ts'oo was a favourite of Tsze-nan the chief minister, and while his emolument was yet but small, his teams of horses were numbered by tens. The people were distressed about it, and the king determined to punish the minister. Tsze-nan's son, K'e-tsih, was charioteer to the king, who would fall a weeping whenever he saw him. K'e-tsih said to him, "You have thrice wept at the sight of me;-let me ask whose crime makes you do this." The king said, "You know the inefficiency of the chief minister. The State is about to punish him; and can you abide in your office after that?" "If I were to abide after my father has been put to death," replied the charioteer, "how could you employ me? But to commit the great crime of disclosing what you have said is what I will not do." After this the king put Tsze-nan to death in the court, and caused the four limbs of Kwan K'e to be torn from each other by chariots in four different directions. Tsze-nan's servants then asked K'e-tsih to beg leave to remove his father's body from the court. "It is |