never suspected that Don Lucas Alaman would have been so misled as to reassert them in an official memoir. This state paper, which, although presented under the seal of secrecy, is in the hands of many, contains the broadest assertions of the ambitious designs of the United States, and we doubt not formed the groundwork of Mr. Huskisson's remarks. British statesmen appear to have yet to learn, that official documents, presented by ministers to the legislature of their country, may be, from beginning to end, impositions upon the credulity of the people, even when they appear with the imposing form of statistical tables. We know that memoirs are sometimes drawn up without reference to any documents at all, but merely for certain objects, such as to produce an effect at home or abroad, as the case may be; and we fear that some such have been adopted and introduced into works in every other respect correctly and well written, but which are erroneous whenever reliance has been placed on official statements. In this singular state paper, Señor Alaman says,

The Americans commence by introducing themselves into the territory which they covet, on pretence of commercial negotiations, or of the establishment of colonies, with or without the assent of the government to which it belongs. These colonies grow, multiply, become the predominant party in the population; and as soon as a support is found in this manner, they begin to set up rights which it is impossible to sustain in a serious discussion, and to bring forward ridiculous pretensions, founded upon historical facts which are admitted by no body, such as Lasalle's Voyages, now known to be a falsehood, but which serve as a support, at this time, for their claim to Texas. These extravagant opinions are, for the first time, presented to the world by unknown writers; and the labour which is employed by others in offering proofs and reasonings, is spent by them in repetitions and multiplied allegations, for the purpose of drawing the attention of their fellow-citizens, not upon the justice of the proposition, but upon the advantages and interests to be obtained or subserved by their admission.

"Their machinations in the country they wish to acquire, are then brought to light by the appearance of explorers, some of whom settle on the soil, alleging that their presence does not affect the question of the right of sovereignty or possession to the land. These pioneers excite, by degrees, movements which disturb the political state of the country in dispute; and then follow discontents and dissatisfaction, calculated to fatigue the patience of the legitimate owner, and to diminish the usefulness of the administration and of the exercise of authority. When things have come to this pass, which is precisely the present state of things in Texas, the diplomatic management commences. The inquietude they have excited in the territory in dispute, the interests of the colonists therein established, the insurrections of adventurers and savages instigated by them, and the pertinacity with which the opinion is set up as to their right of possession, become the subjects of notes full of expressions of justice and moderation, until, with the aid of other incidents, which are never wanting in the course of diplomatic relations, the desired end is attained of concluding an arrangement, as onerous for one party as it is advantageous to the other. Sometimes more direct means are resorted to, and taking advantage of the enfeebled state or domestic difficulties of the possessor of the soil, they proceed upon the most extraordinary pretexts to make themselves master of the country, as was the case in the Floridas, leaving the question to be decided afterwards as to the Jegality of the possession, which force alone could take from them.

"It has been said, further, that when the United States of the North have suc ceeded in giving the predominance to the colonists introduced into the countries they had in view, they set up rights, and bring forward pretensions founded upon disputed historical facts, availing themselves, generally, for the purpose, of some critical conjunction to which they suppose that the attention of government must be directed. This policy, which has produced good results to them, they have commenced carrying into effect with respect to Texas. The public prints in those states, including those which are more immediately under the influence of their government, are engaged in discussing the right they ima gine they have to the country as far as the Rio Bravo. Handbills are printed on the same subject, and thrown into general circulation, whose object is to persuade and convince the people of the utility and expediency of the meditated project. Some of them have said that Providence had marked out Rio Bravo as the natural boundary of those states, which has induced an English writer to reproach them with an attempt to make Providence the author of their usurpations. But what is most remarkable, is, that they have commenced that discussion precisely at the time when they saw us engaged in repelling the Spanish invasion, believing that our attention would, for a long time, be thereby withdrawn from other things. The government, besides, is informed, from a source worthy of confidence, that the subject of Texas is going to be taken up at Washington-that if the President has omitted to mention it in his Message, it was in order that it might originate in congress under a more popular aspect, and that with the same view, a fifty gun frigate, the Brandywine, will soon sail for our coasts, with a few others, to be fitted out by the cabinet of Washington.”

We give this extract, because we shrewdly suspect that this secret document furnished the text for some of the speeches before us, and we do not hesitate to say, that it presents a tissue of falsehoods and absurdities from beginning to end.

Speaking of the trade of Great Britain with the new states of America, Mr. Baring said,—

"He should not have risen to trouble the House, except for the purpose of enforcing the great importance of this subject, with which the mass of the country gentlemen were but little acquainted. If, however, they would cast their eyes over the exports of this country, they would see at once that the new States of America had consumed our manufactures to the amount of 9,000,000%. official value, when Norway, Sweden, Denmark, France, and Portugal, consumed only at the rate of 3,220,000l. In addition to which, he might add, that all our exports to North America did not exceed 6,000,000l. against these 9,000,000%. to the New States. It was manifestly our interest under these circumstances to encourage their prosperity, and increase their power of consumption. There was no chance that they would ever prove our rivals in naval power, and in manufacturing industry they certainly could not be able to rival us for a century. Our own colonies, so soon as they attained to any degree of prosperity, immediately began to manufacture for themselves, and it was therefore the more desirable that we should preserve, and extend our trade where it had already proved so advantageous. Brazil, which was in a state of quiet, as well as in the enjoyment of a good constitution, took 6,000,000l. of our productions; Chili, 1,100,000l.; and all Mexico, with equal resources, but 400,000l.; and Colombia, 540,000l. The country was pressed and squeezed to death in order to maintain an unnatural military force : British merchants were plundered of their property, and the people were forced to continue in that lawless state which precluded the growth of rational institutions, and marred the civil interest of society."

We are at a loss to understand why the immense trade of Great Britain with the Brazils, should be brought forward to prove the propriety of an interference to prevent the ambitious encroachments of the United States in the Gulf of Mexico.

The superiority of the Brazils in this scale, is due to a variety of causes. That country has enjoyed almost uninterrupted tranquillity for twenty years, and during a great part of that period, the English possessed by treaty an advantage in the duties, which enabled them to undersell all other nations, and introduce their manufactures so abundantly as to give a taste for their use generally, throughout the country. The English take, in exchange for their manufactures, the most valuable products of the Brazils, and the number of consumers in Portuguese America is, in proportion, more than double that class of persons in the former Spanish colonies. The tariff, too, of the Brazilian empire, is more wisely ordered and less vexatiously executed than in any part of Spanish America. Indeed, this empire embraces the finest portion of the southern continent. It is watered by noble streams, navigable far into the interior, indented by bold bays, and safe and commodious harbours; it abounds with the best materials for ship building, and the character of the inhabitants bids fair to restore the fame of the Portuguese navigators. There are few better ships, or better seamen, than those of the Brazils. The natural productions are varied and valuable, and the mountain regions present a very beautiful, healthy country, inhabited by a remarkably fine, athletic people, who can afford to purchase and enjoy the comforts and elegancies of life.

The trade with the Spanish Americas will augment every year. It is impossible that the governments of these countries should much longer remain blind to the true interests of the people, and persist in taxing articles which are regarded every where else as necessaries of life, by high and prohibitory duties. They have no manufactories of their own, and to attempt to create them by prohibiting articles, with the use of which the people are not yet acquainted, is ridiculous. At present not more than one-fourth of the inhabitants of Spanish America are consumers of foreign fabrics, or indeed of any fabrics at all. The people use, generally, scarcely any clothes, and those of the coarsest kind, and they herd together in hovels,a state of things which cannot last, whether those countries remain in their present condition of confusion and civil war, or whether order and good government be restored, which we devoutly desire to all. The light of the nineteenth century has penetrated into the remotest corners of the western hemisphere, and the condition of the people must rapidly improve under any

circumstances.

We have been induced to examine this debate, and expose its purport, not from any feeling of hostility towards Great Britain. We certainly would not wish to see the harmony which now subsists between the two countries in any manner disturb

ed or diminished. We had in design only to point out to the public the great importance that British statesmen attach to the acquisition of an exclusive influence over the governments of America, which they think themselves entitled to exercise in the New World, and which we think every consideration of sound policy calls upon us to counteract by all fair means in our power. Certainly, any one in the least acquainted with the diplomatic history of Europe, and the constant struggles made by the great powers to acquire and maintain their influence in the secondary courts of that continent, or with the pernicious effects resulting from this interference, will deprecate the attempt making in regard to the new states of America, and see the propriety and necessity of an exertion on the part of our government to prevent it. There is good sense enough among the inhabitants of Spanish America to see and understand their interests, if these be fairly pointed out to them; and they ought to be made aware of the dangerous consequences to their liberties, if they permit any foreign nation to influence their councils. It is true, that whatever diplomatic agent ventures to do so, either in the discharge of his own conscientious regard for the interests of America, or of his duties in compliance with instructions from his own government, will have to contend with a fearful opposition, and must expect to find his motives impeached, his character calumniated, and even his life threatened; but all this shows the earnestness with which Europeans regard the acquisition of an influence, baneful to the country where it is exercised, and their determination to maintain, at any hazard, their imaginary rights in the New World-rights which in our opinion ought to be firmly denied, and pretensions which ought to be decidedly opposed and vigorously counteracted.

ART. VIII.-Report of the Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States on Post-offices and Post roads, to whom were referred the Memorials for and against prohibiting the Transportation of the Mails and the Distribution of Letters on Sunday.

Ir an inflexible and dauntless perseverance is evidence of a good cause, the petitioners against Sunday mails are entitled to the full benefit of it; but if this spirit degenerates into a dogged obstinacy, when it continues to assail overwhelming majorities, and to survive the most decisive defeats, we fear they can hardly escape that reproach. For more than ten years, petitions have, from time to time, been presented to the national legislature,

praying for the exercise of their authority to stop the transportation and delivery of the mails on Sunday. These petitions have been uniformly, as they ought to be, most respectfully received and attentively considered; and the result has uniformly been a refusal of the prayer. Of late, the question has come under discussion in the public journals, with a view, probably, of reaching the favour of Congress, in this popular way. Now, it is not just that this field should be given up to any party or any question; and those who believe that Congress have been perfectly wise in their judgment on this matter; and, indeed, that a different decision would have been unwarranted, have a right to be heard, and the national representatives have a right to their support.

It will be too much for these petitioners to contend, that those who will not adopt their opinions on this subject, are, therefore, to be denounced as wanting in a proper respect for religion, or as violating the doctrines of Christianity. The calm and the candid part of the community will perceive, that such denunciations proceed upon an assumption of the whole ground of controversy; and are more remarkable for an unchristian intolerance and arrogance, than for piety and good sense. We profess to have as much reverence for religion as any one of these dogmatists, but we utterly disclaim their authority to mark the course and limits of our creed; or to make their tempers and notions the laws of Christianity or the means of salvation. There is, assuredly, just now, a disposition of no mean extent, and full of ardour and strife, for an increase of this authority, in these United States, to obtain an influence for sectarian doctrines, which is already as dictatorial as it dares to be, and which, if not checked in its career, will make itself felt and feared by every citizen of this republic. The perfect equality and freedom-for we reject the idea of toleration-which the Constitution and the laws give to all opinions on the subject of religion, will be a very inadequate protection, if masses of men may combine to compel an adoption of their opinions; an observance of their regulations under penalties and consequences, the more oppressive, because they come under the cognizance of no legal control. Such attempts must be met and frustrated by keeping the public intelligence awake to them; and by resisting their progress in whatever shape they may appear.

There is, at this moment, an animated and important contest going on between the common sense and the common rights of mankind, and certain restrictive dogmas and doctrines which assume for themselves the sanctity, and claim the reverence, which are due to the religion of Christ. Confident in the position they have thus taken, their title to which they assert to be undeniable, the advocates of these opinions hurl their angry con