XVI.

tion to be

speak of

Sweden

XXXIII. It is however to be observed, that, in C E N T. the history of the reformation of Sweden and Den- SECT. I. mark, we must carefully distinguish between the reformation of religious opinions and the reform-A distincation of the episcopal order. For though these observed two things may appear to be closely connected, when we yet, in reality, they are so far distinct, that either the refor of the two might have been completely transacted mation of without the other. A reformation of doctrine and Denmight have been effected without diminishing the mark. authority of the bishops, or suppressing their order; and, on the other hand, the opulence and power of the bishops might have been reduced within proper bounds, without introducing any change into the system of doctrine that had been so long established, and that was generally received [w]. In the measures taken in these northern kingdoms, for the reformation of a corrupt doctrine and a superstitious discipline, there was nothing that deserved the smallest censure: neither fraud nor violence were employed for this purpose; on the contrary, all things were conducted with wisdom and moderation, in a manner suitable to the dictates of equity and the spirit of Christianity. The same judgment cannot easily be pronounced with respect to the methods of proceeding in the reformation of the clergy, and more especially of the episcopal order. For here, certainly,

same author, tom. ii, p. 790. tom. iii. p. 1.-" Henr. Muhlius de Reformat. religionis in vicinis Daniæ regionibus et potissimum in Cimbria, in ejus Dissertationibus Historico-Theologicis," p. 24. Rilliæ, 1715, in 4to.

[w] This observation is not worthy of Dr Mosheim's sagacity. The strong connexion that there naturally is between superstitious ignorance among the people, and influence and power in their spiritual rulers, is too evident to stand in need of any proof. A good clergy will, or ought to have an influence, in consequence of a respectable office adorned with learning, piety, and morals; but the power of a licentious and despotic clergy can be only supported by the blind and superstiticus credulity of their flock.

XVI.

I.

CEN T. certainly, violence was used, and the bishops were SECT. 1. deprived of their honours, privileges, and possessions, without their consent; and, indeed, notwithstanding the greatest struggles and the warmest opposition [x]. The truth is, that so far as the reformation in Sweden and Denmark regarded the privileges and possessions of the bishops, it was rather a matter of political expediency than of religious obligation; nay, a change here was become so necessary, that, had LUTHER and his doctrine never appeared in the world, it must have been nevertheless attempted by a wise legislator. For the bishops, by a variety of perfidious stratagems, had got into their hands such

enormous

[x] What does Dr Mosheim mean here? did ever a usurper give us his unjust possessions without reluctance? does rapine constitute a right, when it is maintained by force? is it unlawful to use violence against extortioners? The question here is, Whether or no the bishops deserved the severe treatment they received from Christiern III.? and our author seems to answer this question in the affirmative, and to declare this treatment both just and necessary in the following part of this section. Certain it is, that the bishops were treated with great severity, deposed from their sees, imprisoned on account of their resistance; all the church-lands, towns, and fortresses, annexed to the crown, and the temporal power of the clergy for ever abolished. It is also certain, that Luther himself looked upon these measures as violent and excessive, and even wrote a letter to Christiern, exhorting him to use the clergy with more lenity. It is therefore proper to decide with moderation on this subject, and to grant, that if the insolence and licentiousness of the clergy were enormous, the resentment of the Danish monarch may have been excessive. Nor indeed was his political prudence here so great as Dr Mosheim seems to represent it; for the equipoise of government was hurt by a total suppression of the power of the bishops. The nobility acquired by this a prodigious degree of influence, and the crown lost an order, which, under proper regulations, might have been rendered one of the strongest supports of its prerogative. But disquisitions of this nature are foreign to our purpose. It is only proper to observe, that, in the room of the bishops, Christiern created an order of men, with the denomination of Superintendants, who performed the spiritual part of the episcopal office, without sharing the least shadow of temporal authority.

XVI.

enormous treasures, such ample possessions, so CENT. many castles and fortified towns, and had assumed SECT. I. such an unlimited and despotic authority, that they were in a condition to give law to the sovereign himself, to rule the nation as they thought proper; and in effect, already abused their power so far as to appropriate to themselves a considerable part of the royal patrimony, and of the public revenues of the kingdom. Such therefore was the critical state of these northern kingdoms, in the time of LUTHER, that it became absolutely necessary, either to degrade the bishops from that rank which they dishonoured, and to deprive them of the greatest part of those possessions and prerogatives which they had so unjustly acquired and so licentiously abused, or to see, tamely, royalty rendered contemptible by its weakness, the sovereign deprived of the means of protecting and succouring his people, and the commonwealth exposed to rebellion, misery, and

ruin.

and pro

greas of the

XXXIV. The kingdom of France was not in- The rise accessible to the light of the Reformation. MARGARET queen of Navarre, sister to FRANCIS I. reformation the implacable enemy and perpetual rival of in France, CHARLES V. was extremely favourable to the new doctrine, which delivered pure and genuine Christianity from a great part of the superstitions under which it had so long lain disguised. The auspicious patronage of this illustrious princess encouraged several pious and learned men, whose religious sentiments were the same with her's, to propagate the principles of the Reformation in France, and even to erect several protestant churches in that kingdom. It is manifest from the most authentic records, that, so early as the year 1523, there were, in several of the provinces of that country, multitudes of persons, who had conceived the utmost aversion both against the doctrine

G4

XVI.

CEN T. doctrine and tyranny of Rome, and among these, SECT. I. many persons of rank and dignity, and even some of the episcopal order. As their numbers increased from day to day, and troubles and commotions were excited in several places on account of religious differences, the authority of the monarch and the crucity of his officers intervened, to support the doctrine of Rome by the edge of the sword and the terrors of the gibbet; and on this occasion many persons, eminent for their piety and virtue, were put to death with the most unrelenting barbarity [y]. This cruelty, instead of retarding, accelerated rather the progress of the Reformation. It is nevertheless true, that, under the reign of FRANCIS I. the restorers of genuine Christianity were not always equally successful and happy. Their situation was extremely uncertain, and it was perpetually changing. Sometimes they seemed to enjoy the auspicious shade of royal protection; at others they groaned under the weight of persecution, and at certain seasons they were forgot, which oblivion rendered their condition tolerable. FRANCIS, who had either no religion at all, or, at best, no fixed and consistent system of religious principles, conducted himself towards the protestants in such a manner as answered his private and personal views, or as reasons of policy and a public interest seemed to require. When it became necessary to engage in his cause the German protestants, in order to foment sedition and rebellion against his mortal enemy CHARLES V. then did he treat the protestants in France with the utmost equity, humanity, and gentleness; but so soon as he had gained his point, and had no more occasion for their services, then he threw

off

[y] See Beze, Histoire des Eglises Reformées de France, tom. i. livr. i. p. 5.-Benoit, Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes, livr. i. p. 6.-Christ. Aug. Salig. Histor. August. Confession, vol

11. p. 190.

off the mask, and appeared to them in the aspect C E N T. of an implacable and persecuting tyrant [z].

XVI. SICT. L

About this time the famous CALVIN, whose character, talents, and religious exploits, we shall have occasion to dwell upon more amply in the course of this history, began to draw the attention. of the public, but more especially of the queen of Navarre. He was born at Noyon in Picardy, on the 10th of July 1509, and was bred up to the law [a], in which, as well as in all the other branches of literature, then known, his studies were attended with the most rapid and amazing success. Having acquired the knowledge of religion, by a diligent perusal of the holy scriptures, he began early to perceive the necessity of reforming the established system of doctrine and worship. His zeal exposed him to various perils, and the connexions he had formed with the friends of the Reformation, whom FRANCIS I. was daily committing to the flames, placed him more than once in imminent danger, from which he was delivered by the good offices of the excellent queen

reasons.

of

[x] The inconsistency and contradiction that were visible in the conduct of Francis I. may be attributed to various At one time, we see him resolved to invite Melanc thon into France, probably with a view to please his sister the queen of Navarre, whom he loved tenderly, and who had strongly imbibed the principles of the protestants. At another time, we behold him exercising the most infernal cruelty towards the friends of the Reformation, and hear him making that mad declaration, that, " if he thought the blood in his arm was tainted with the Lutheran heresy, he would have it cut off; and that he would not spare even his own children, if they entertained sentiments contrary to those of the catholic church." See Flor. de Remond, Hist. de la Naissance et du Progres de l'Heresie, livr. vii.

[4] He was originally designed for the church, and had actually obtained a benefice; but the light that broke in upon his religious sentiments, as well as the preference given by his father to the profession of the law, induced him to give up his ecclesiastic vocation, which he afterwards resumed in a purer church.