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victim to his vengeance, without considering, CE N T. that the measures he took for the destruction of. SECT. L LUTHER, must have a most pernicious influence upon the cause of the Roman pontif, by fomenting the present divisions, and thus contributing to the progress of the reformation, as was really the case [e].

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XI. Among the spectators of this ecclesiastical Philip Me. combat was PHILIP MELANCтHON, at that time, professor of Greek at Wittemberg, who had not, as yet, been involved in these divisions (as indeed the mildness of his temper and his elegant taste for polite literature rendered him averse from disputes of this nature), though he was the intimate friend of LUTHER, and approved his design of delivering the pure and primitive science of theology from the darkness and subtilty of scholastic jargon [f]. As this eminent man was one of those whom this dispute with ECKIUS convinced of the excellence of LUTHER'S cause; as he was, more

over, Luther demonstrated, in this conference, that the church of Rome, in the earlier ages, had never been acknowledged as superior to other churches, and combated the pretensions of that church and its bishop, from the testimony of scripture, the authority of the fathers, and the best ecclesiastical historians, and even from the decrees of the council of Nice; while all the arguments of ECKIUS were derived from the spurious and insipid Decretals, which were scarcely of 400 years standing. Seckendorff's History of Lutheranism.

See

[e] It may be observed here, that, before Luther's attack upon the store-house of indulgences, ECKIUS was his intimate friend. ECKIUS must certainly have been uncommonly unworthy, since even the mild and gentle MELANCTHON represents him as an inhuman persecutor, a sophist, and a knove, who maintained doctrines contrary to his belief, and against his conscience. See the learned Dr Jortin's Life of Erasmus, vol. ii. P. 713; see also Vitus's account of the death of Eckius in Seckendorff, lib. iii. p. 468; and in the Scholia ad Indicem 1 Hist. of the same book, No. xxIII.

[f] See Melancthon's Letter concerning the conference at Leiotic, in Loscher's Acta et Documenta Reformationis tem. iii. sap. viiii. p. 215; as also in the Wittemberg edition of Luther's works, vol. i. p. 336.

SECT. I.

CFN T. over, one of the illustrious and respectable instru XVL ments of the Reformation; it may not be improper to give some account here of the talents and virtues that have rendered his name immortal. His greatest enemies have borne testimony to his merit. They have been forced to acknowledge, that the annals of antiquity exhibit very few worthies that may be compared with him; whether we consider the extent of his knowledge in things human and divine, the fertility and elegance of his genius, the facility and quickness of his comprehension, or the uninterrupted industry that attended his learned and theological labours. He rendered to philosophy and the liberal arts the same eminent service that LUTHER had done to religion, by purging them from the dross with which they had been corrupted, and by recommending them, in a powerful and persuasive manner, to the study of the Germans. He had the rare talent of discerning truth in all its most intricate connexions and combinations, of comprehending at once the most abstract notions, and expressing them with the utmost perspicuity, and ease. And he applied this happy talent in religious disquisitions with such unparalleled success, that it may safely be affirmed, that the cause of true Christianity derived from the learning and genius of MELANCTHON more signal advantages, and a more ellectual support, than it received from any of the other doctors of the age. His love of peace and concord, which was partly owing to the sweetness of his natural temper, made him desire with ardour that a reformation might be effected without producing a schism in the church, and that the external communion of the contending parties might be preserved uninterrupted and entire. This spirit of mildness and charity, carried perhaps too far, led him sometimes to make concessions that were neither consistent with pru

dence,

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dence nor advantageous to the cause in which he c EN T was engaged. It is however certain, that he gave SECT. I. no quarter to those more dangerous and momentous errors that reigned in the church of Rome; but maintained on the contrary that their extirpation was essentially necessary, in order to the restoration of true religion. In the natural complexion of this great man there was something soft, timorous and yielding. Hence arose a certain diffidence of himself, that not only made him examine things with the greatest attention and care, before he resolved upon any measure, but also filled him with uneasy apprehensions where there was no danger, and made him fear even things that, in reality, could never happen. And yet on the other hand, when the hour of real danger approached, when things bore a formidable aspect, and the cause of religion was in imminent peril, then this timorous man was converted, all at once, into an intrepid hero looked danger in the face with unshaken constancy, and opposed his adversaries with invincible fortitude. All this shews, that the force of truth and the power of principle had diminished the weaknesses and defects of MELANCTHON'S natural character without entirely removing them. Had his fortitude been more uniform and steady, his desire of reconciling all interests and pleasing all parties less vehement and excessive, his triumph over the superstitions imbibed in his infancy more complete [g], he must deservedly have been considered as one of the greatest among men [b].

XII. While

[g] By this, no doubt, Dr MOSHEIM means the credulity this great man discovered with respect to prodigies and dreams, and his having been somewhat addicted to the pretended science of astrology. See SCHELHORNII Amanit. Hist. Eceles, et Lit, vol. ii. p. 609.

[b] We have a Life of MELANCTHON, written by JOACHIM CAMERARIUS, which has already gone through several edi

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of the re

in Switzer

CFNT. XII. While the credit and authority of the SCT. 1. Roman pontif were thus upon the decline in Germany, they received a received a mortal wound in The origin Switzerland from ULRIC ZUINGLE, a canon of formation Zurich, whose extensive learning and uncommon sagacity were accompanied, with the most heroic intrepidity and resolution [i]. It must even be acknowledged [k], that this eminent man had perceived some rays of the truth before LUTHER came to an open rupture with the church of Rome

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tions. But a more accurate account of this illustrious reformer, composed by a prudent, impartial, and well-informed biographer, as also a complete collection of his Works, would be an inestimable present to the republic of letters.

[i] The translator has added to the portrait of Zuingle, the quality of heroic intrepidity, because it was a predominant and remarkable part of the character of this illustrious reformer, whose learning and fortitude, tempered by the greatest moderation, rendered him, perhaps beyond comparison the brightest ornament of the protestant cause.

[k] Our learned historian does not seem to acknowledge this with pleasure, as the Germans and Swiss contend about the honour of having given the first overtures towards the Refor mation. If, however, truth has obliged him to make this acknowledgement, he has accompanied it with some modifications that are more artful than accurate. He says, "that Zuingle had perceived some rays of the truth before Luther had come to an open rupture," &c. to make us imagine, that Luther might have seen the truth long before that rupture happened, and consequently as soon as Zuingle. But it is well known, that the latter, from his early years, had been shocked at several of the superstitious practices of the church of Rome: that so early as the year 1516, he had begun to explain the scriptures to the people, and to censure, though with great prudence and moderation, the errors of a corrupt church; and that he had very noble and extensive ideas of a general reformation, at the very time that Luther retained almost the whole system of popery, indulgences excepted. Luther, proceeded very slowly to that exemption from the prejudices of education, which Zuingle, by the force of an adventurous genious, and an uncommon degree' of knowledge and penetration, easily got rid of.

Ruhart, Hist. de la Reformation en Susse. Zuinglii opp. tom. i. p. 7. Nouveau Diction. vol. iv. p. 866. Ducand, Hist. du xvi. Siecle, tom. ii.' 8. &c. juricu, Apologie pour les Reformateurs, &c. partie 1. p. 119,

Rome, He was however afterwards still fartherC ENT XVI. animated by the example, and instructed by the ECT. I. writings of the Saxon reformer; and thus his zeal for the good cause acquired new strength and vigour. For he not only explained the sacred writings in his public discourses to the people [], but also gave in the year 1519, a signal proof of his courage, by opposing, with the greatest resolution and success, the ministry of a certain Italian monk, whose name was SAMSON, and who was carrying on, in Switzerland, the impious traffic of Indulgences with the same impudence that TETZEL had done in Germany [m]. This was the first remarkable event that prepared the way for the reformation among the Helvetic cantons. In process of time, ZUINGLE pursued with steadiness and resolution the design that he had begun with such courage and success. His noble efforts were seconded by some other learned men, educated in Germany, who became his colleagues and the companions of his labours, and who jointly with him succeeded so far in removing the credulity of a deluded people, that the pope's supremacy was rejected and denied in the greatest part of Switzerland. It is indeed to be observed, that ZUINGLE did not always use the same methods of conversion that were employed by LUTHER; nor, upon par

[] This again is inaccurate. It appears from the preceding note, and from the most authentic records of history, that Zuingle had explained the scriptures to the people, and called in question the authority and supremacy of the pope before the name of Luther was known in Switzerland. Besides, instead of receiving instruction from the German reformer, he was much his superior in learning, capacity, and judgment, and was much fitter to be his master than his disciple, as the four volumes in folio, we have of his works abundantly testify.

[m] See Jo. Henr. Hottingeri Hist. Eccles. Heivet. tom. ii. lib. vi. p. 28.-Ruchat, Histoire de la Reformation en Suisse, tom. i. livr. i. p. 4-66.Gerdes, Histor. Renovati Evangelii, tom. ii. P. 228.

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