XVI. death, several Lutheran doctors of the more mo. CEN T. derate sort, and particularly Martin Bucer, used scr. III. their utmost endeavours to bring about some kind PART II. of reconciliation between the contending parties. For this purpose they exhorted the jarring theologians to concord, interpreted the points in dispute with a prudent regard to the prejudices of both sides, admonished them of the pernicious consequences that must attend the prolongation of these unhappy contests, and even went so far as to express the respective sentiments of the contending doctors in terms of considerable ambiguity and latitude, that thus the desired union might be the more easily effected. There is no doubt, but that the intentions and designs of these zealous intercessors were pious and upright [b]; but it will be difficult to decide, whether or no the means they employed were adapted to promote the end they had in view. Be that as it may, these pacific counsels of Bucer excited divisions in Switzerland; for some persevered obstinately in the doctrine of Zuingle, while others adopted the explications and modifications of his doctrine that were offered by Bucer [c]. But these divisions and commotions had not the least effect on that reconciliation with Luther, that was earnestly desired by the pious and moderate doctors furious and turbulent Cochlaeus; of which the following words shew the spirit of the writer : "Postrema ea fuit, quam de Zuinglio et Oecolampadio scriptam misisti, quorum nun ciata mors mihi Lætitiam attulit. Sublatos e medio esse tam immanes Fidei Christianæ hostes, tam intentos ubique in omnem perimendæ pietatis occasionem, jure gaudere possum." Jortin, ibid. vol. ii. p. 702. App. No. xvi. N. [b] See Alb. Menon. Verpoorten, Comment. de Mart. Bucero et ejus Sententia de Cana Domini, sect. ix. p. 23. published in 8vo, at Coburg, in the year 1709.-Loscheri Histor. Moruum, part I. lib. ii. cap. i. p. 181. and part II. lib. iii. cap. 1. p. 15 [c] Fueslini Centur. I. Epistolar. Theolog. p. 162, 170, 181, 482, 190, &c. XVI CEN T. doctors on both sides. The efforts of Bucer SECT. III. were more successful out of Switzerland, and parPART II ticularly among those divines in the upper parts The trans succeeded Luther. of Germany, who inclined to the sentiments of the Helvetic church; for they retired from the communion of that church, and joined themselves to Luther by a public act, which was sent to Wittemberg, in the year 1536, by a solemn deputation appointed for that purpose [d]. The Swiss divines could not be brought to so great a length. There was, however, still some prospect of effecting a reconciliation between them and the Lutherans. But this fair prospect entirely disappeared in the year 1544, when Luther published his Confession of faith in relation to the sacrament of the Lord's supper, which was directly opposite to the doctrine of Zuingle and his followers, on that head. The doctors of Zurich pleaded their cause publicly against the Saxon reformer the year following; and thus the purposes of the peace-makers were totally defeated [e]. VI. The death of Luther, which happened in actions that the year 1546, was an event that seemed adapted the death of to calm these commotions, and to revive, in the breasts of the moderate and pacific, the hopes of a reconciliation between the contending parties. For this union, between the Lutherans and Zuinglians, was so ardently desired by Melancthon, and his followers, that this great man left no means unemployed to bring it about, and seemed resolved rather to submit to a dubious and forced peace, than to see those flaming discords perpetuated, which reflected such dishonour on the protestant cause. On the other hand, this salutary work seemed to be facilitated by the theolo gical [d] Loscherus, Lc. cit. cap. ii. p. 205.-Ruchat, Histoire de la Reformat, de la Suisse, tom. v. p. 535.-Hottingeri Histor. Becks. Helvet, tom. iii. lib. vi. p. 702. [e] Loscherus, loc. cit. part i. lib. ii. cap. iv. p. 341. XVI. gical system that was adopted by John Calvin, CENT. a native of Noyon in France, who was pastor and ser. III. professor of divinity at Geneva, and whose genius, PART II learning, eloquence, and talents rendered him respectable even in the eyes of his enemies. This great man, whose particular friendship for Melancthon was an incidental circumstance highly favourable to the intended reconciliation, proposed an explication of the point in debate, that modified the crude hypothesis of Zuingle, and made use of all his credit and authority among the Swiss, and more particularly at Zurich, where he was held in the highest veneration, in order to obtain their assent to it [f]. The explication he proposed was not, indeed, favourable to the doctrine of Christ's bodily presence in the eucharist, which he persisted in denying; he supposed, however, that a certain divine virtue or efficacy was communicated by Christ with the bread and wine, to those who approached this holy sacrament with a lively faith, and with upright hearts; and to render this notion still more satisfactory, he expressed it in almost the same terms which the Lutherans employed in inculcating their doctrine of Christ's real presence in the eucharist [g] For the great and common error of all those, who, from a desire of peace, assumed the character of arbitrators in this controversy, lay in this, that they aimed rather at a uniformity of terms, than of sentiments; and seemed satisfied when they had engaged the contending parties to use [f] Christ. Aug. Salig. Historia Aug. Confession. tom. ii.. lib. vii. cap. iii. p. 1075. [g] Calvin went certainly too far in this matter; and, in his explication of the benefits that arise from a worthy commemoration of Christ's death in the eucharist, he dwelt too grossly upon the allegorical expressions of scripture, which the papists had so egregiously abused, and talked of really eating by faith the body, and drinking the blood of Christ XVI. CEN T. use the same words and phrases, though their real SECT. III. difference in opinion remained the same, and each PART II explained these ambiguous or figurative terms in a manner agreeable to their respective systems. The concord, so much desired, did not, however, seem to advance much. Melancthon, who stood foremost in the rank of those who longed impatiently for it, had not courage enough to embark openly in the execution of such a perilous project. Besides, after the death of Luther, his enemies attacked him with redoubled fury, and gave him so much disagreeable occupation, that he had neither that leisure, nor that tranquillity of mind, that were necessary to prepare his measures properly for such an arduous undertaking. A new obstacle to the execution of this pacific project was also presented, by the intemperate zeal of Joachim Westphal, pastor at Hamburg, who, in the year 1552, renewed, with greater vehemence than ever, this deplorable controversy, which had been for some time suspended, and who, after Flacius, was the most obstinate defender of the opinions of Luther. This violent theologian attacked with that spirit of acrimony and vehemence, that was too remarkable in the polemic writings of Luther, the act of uniformity, by which the churches of Geneva and Zurich declared their agreement concerning the doctrine of the eucharist. In the book which he published with this view [b], he censured with the utmost severity, the variety of sentiments concerning the sacrament of the Lord's supper that was observable in the Reformed church, and maintained, with his usual warmth and obstinacy, [b] This book, which abounds with senseless and extravagant tenets that Luther never so much as thought of, and breathes the most virulent spirit of persecution, is entitled Farrago confusanearum et inter se dissidentium de S. Ca opinionum ex Sacramentariorum Libris congesta." 66 XVI. stinacy, the opinion of Luther on that subject. CENT. This engaged Calvin to enter the list with West- SECT. III. phal, whom he treated with as little lenity and for- PART II. bearance, as the rigid Lutheran had shewed towards the Helvetic churches. The consequences of this debate were, that Calvin and Westphal had each their zealous, defenders and patrons; hence the breach widened, the spirits were heated, and the flame of controversy was kindled anew with such violence and fury, that, to extinguish it entirely, seemed to be a task beyond the reach of human wisdom or human power [i]. versy con VII. These disputes were unhappily augmented, The controin process of time, by that famous controversy cerning preconcerning the decrees of God, with respect to the destination. eternal condition of men, which was set on foot by Calvin, and became an inexhaustible source of intricate researches, and abstruse, subtile, and inexplicable questions. The most ancient Helvetic doctors were far from adopting the doctrine of those, who represent the Deity as allotting, from all eternity, by an absolute, arbitrary, and unconditional decree, to some everlasting happiness, and to others endless misery, without any previous regard to the moral characters and circumstances of either. Their sentiments seemed to differ but very little from those of the Pelagians; nor did they hesitate in declaring, after the example of Zuingle, that the kingdom of heaven was open to all who lived according to the dictates of right reason [k]. Calvin had adopted a quite different Bb [i] Loscheri Historia Mutuum, part II. lib. iii. cap. viii. p. 83.-Molleri, Cimbria Literata, tom. iii. p. 642. Arn. Grevii Memoria Joac. Westphali, p. 62, 106. [4] For the proof of this assertion, see Dallei Apologia pro duabus Ecclesiarum Gallicar. Synodis adversus Frid. Spanheim. part IV. p. 946.-Jo. Alphons. Turretini Epistol. ad Antestitem Cantuariensem, which is inserted in the Bibliotheque Germanic, tom. xiii. p. 92.Simon, Bibliotheque Cri tique, published under the fictitious name of Sainior, VOL. IV. Bb tom. |