Lip of new Books published ; with Remarks, 1. FOUR OUR new dialogues of the dead, Itis a fufficient recommendation of these a great General, than to the forms of a Democracy, or the rights of a tribune," Scipio afterwards makes the following conceffion. "I acknowledge the generous pride of virtue was too strong in my mind. It made me forget I was creating a dangerous precedent in declining to plead to a legal accufation, brought against me by a magiftrate invested with the majefty of the whole Roman people. It made me unjustly accufe my country of ingratitude, when he had thewn herfelf grateful even beyond the true bounds of policy and juftice, by not inflicting upon me any penalty for fo irregular a proceeding. But, at the fame time, what a proof did I give of moderation, and respect for her liberty, when my utmoft refentment could impel me to nothing more violent than a voluntary retreat and quiet banishment of my felt from the city of Rome. Scipio Africanus offended, and living a private man in a countryhouse at Liternum, was an example of more Cufe to fecure the equality of the Roman common-wealth, than all the power of its tribunes." The firft of these additional dialogues is between Scipio Africanus and Julius Cæfar, in which their characters are admirably fufBained, and their principles and condu sritically examined. Cæfar being reproached with making Rome the prey of his ambition, answers, "Was it poffible that the conquerors of Europe, Asia, and Africk, could tamely fubmit to descend from their triumphal chariots, and become fubje&t to the authority of prætors and confuls elected by a populace corrupted by bribes, or enflaved to a confederacy of factious nobles, who, without regard to merit, confidered all the offices and dignities of the ftate as hereditary poffeffions belong. ing to their families." He alfo reproaches Scipio, in his turn, with a violation of the laws of his country. "You talk finely, says he, but ask yourself whether the height and dignity of your mind, that noble pride which accompanies the magnanimity of a hero, could always floop to a nice con- D formity with the laws of your country? Is there a law of liberty more effential, more facred than that which obliges every member of a free community to fubmit himfelf to a trial, upon a legal charge bro't against him for a public mifdemeanour ? In what manner did you answer a regular accufation from the tribune of the people, who charged you with embezzling the money of the flate? You told your judges, that on that day you bad vanquished Hannibal and Carthage, and bade them follow you to the temple to give thanks to the Gods. Nor could you ever be brought to stand a legal tryal, or justify thofe accounts which you had torn in the fenate, when they were F queftioned there by two magiftrates, in the name of the Roman people. Was this acting like the subject of a free state? Had your victory procured you an exemption from justice? Had it given into your hands the money of the republic without account? If it had, you were King of Rome. Pbarfalia, Thapfus, and Munda, could do no more for me. Scipio answers, “I did not question the right of bringing me to a trial, but I difdained to plead in vindication of a character lo unípotted as mine. My whole life had been an answer to that infamous charge.' •And Cafar replies, "It may be fo; and, for my part, I admire the magnanimity of your behaviour. But I fhould condemn it as repugnant and deftructive to liberty if I did not pay more refped to the dignity of E G H Cafar replies, "I had rather have been thrown down the Tarpeian rock, than have retired, as you did, to the obfcurity of a village, after acting the first part on the greateft theatre of the world. Scipio anfwers, "An ufurper exalted on the highest throne of the universe is not fo glorious as I was in that obfcure retirement, I hear indeed that you, Cæsar, have been deified by the flattery of fome of your fucceffors. But the impartial judgment of history has confecrated my name, & ranks me in the first clafs of heroes and patriots; whereas the highest praife her records, even under the dominion ufurped by your family, have given to you, is, that your courage and talents were equal to the object your ambition aspired to, the empire of the world; and that you exercised a fo vereignty unjustly acquired, with a magnanimous clemency. But it would have better for your country, and better for mankind if you had never exifted.-Thus ends this dialogue, The fecond dialogue is between Plato and Divgenes. The following fpeech of Plato will, perhaps, fhew the principal view of this dialogue: Plato. According to your notions all go vernment is deftructive to liberty; but I think that no liberty can fubfift without government, A ftate of fociety is the natural state of mankind. They are impelled to it by their wants, their infirmities, their affections. The laws of fociety are rules of life and action neceffary to fecure their happinefs in that ftate. Government is the due enforcing of thofe laws. That government is the best which moft effectually and mo people is the freeft which is most submisfively obedient to such a government. the child cannot be marked with the figure of those objects that struck the imaginati-' The third dialogue is between Arifiides,on of the mother. i Phocion, and Demofthenes. The fubject of this dialogue appears from the two first speeches. Ariftides. How could it happen, that Athens, after having recovered an equality with Sparta, thould be forced to fubmit to the dominion of Macedon, when the had twp fuch great men as Phocion and Demofl-. benes at the head of her state? Phocion.] It happened because our opi nions of her interefls in foreign affairs were totally different, which made us act with a conftant and pernicious oppofition the one B to the other. Ariflides then withes to hear from them both on what principles they formed fuch contrary judgments concerning points of, fuch moment to the fafety of their country, which they equally loved. With this with they comply in the fequel of the dialogue, which contains fome very curious and interefting obfèrvations. A His reafoning a priori however, is founded upon principles which may well be controverted, as they are relative to fubjects of which our notions are very imperfect the manner in which ideas are excited, the existence and ufe of the animal fpirits, and the mechanism of the fibres, with respect to conception and sensation. In proportion as he proceeds from (peculation-to-experience he treads upon better ground. The mother, fays he, cannot, by the force of her imagination, add new parts to her infant, nor destroy or change. thofe already formed. She knows them on- . ly by their external appearance. She has not the leaft idea of their constituent parts and internal organisation; if it is admitted then that the can produce in the infant that of which the does conceive, irmust also be. admitted that her imagination cannot proCduce that of which he cannot conceive; for with what he cannot conceive imagination has nothing to do. The parts fuppofed to be added, destroyed, or changed, have an internal organization, like all the other parts, and if the mother could create one part, why not all the parts, and fo produce a compleat infant; if the can deftroy one part, why not all the parts; and if this were the cafe, how efficacious would remorse and shame be found in the prefervation of female honour. The fourth dialogue is between Marcus Aurelius and Servius Tulius, and difcuifes this question, "Whether after the expul-, fion of Tarquin, the Romans would not have done better to have vefted the regal power in a limitted monarch, than in two annual D elective magiftrates with the title of confuls ?" 2. Effays, by Mr Goldsmith. 33 Newbery. 3. A letter to the E. of L. concerning the regency. 6d Henderson. Not worth Motice. - 4. The death of Bucephalus, a burlesque E tragedy, in two acts, faid to be acted with applaufe at Edinburgh. It is not wholly deftitute of humour; but however it may have faccecded in Edinburgh, its indecency would have damned it at London, where we have two pieces of the fame kind with which it can stand in no degree of competition, Chronontotontbo F logos, and the Life and death of Tom Thumb the Great. 5. Letters on the force of imagination in Griffin. pregnant women. The defign of theie letters is to prove that it is impoffible for a pregnant woman to mark her child with the figure of any thing the has longed for. He proceeds to shew that the irregularity in the hape of infants proceeds from their fituation in the womb, by which they fuffer compreffion on various parts. To account for children's being born with only one arm or one leg, or otherwife. mutilated, he fuppofes that the ove are impregnated by the entrance of the feed, that thole parts of the ove which make too great refiflance, will not be imprégnated; that in confequence of this the impregnated parts will receive nourishment, and the unimpregnated parts will waste away; fo if the refiftance is too little in one part fuch part will become bigger by exceffive growth. But here he is again out of his depth. Let him tell us upon his hypothefis, how an animal, produced between a G their two natures throughout; how the dog and a fox, comes to be a mixture of dog's fnout is made lefs, and his tail bigger, and vice verfa; is this increale and diminution caused by the refiftance of the ove to the feed, being more or less? and does more refiftance, or yielding, produce in, this cafe increase and diminution, with a certain invariable determination of figure,, both in the part which is diminished and in The author obferves, that this is a fubjeft not merely fpeculative, becaufe the notion here oppofed affects the lex during pregnancy, it keeps them in a perpetual alarm, their che riulness and peace of mind lie at the caprice of the leaft accident, and, their blood being confequently vitiated, they incur real evils by the dread of thofe H that are imaginary. The author firft endeavours to prove the impoffibility of a communication of ideas between the mother and infant; and then that even fuppofing fuch a communication, that which is increased? To account for the stains faid to be produced by the mother's longing for red wine, he proves that all cutaneous marks muft ne neceffarily be red or brown, and obferves, B If it is a true principle that the imagination of the mother, ftruck to a certain degree, will mark the child, it is alfo true that the child will always be marked when the imagination is fo ftruck. But experience fhews that the child is not always marked by that caufe, and therefore it follows that the child is never marked from it, for C there must be a never failing proportion between caufe and effect. When the caufe fubfifts, the effect must always follow. E It is, however, objected, that marks frequently appear on the bodies of children after themother has fuffered fome fudden and violent agitation or defire, and therefore D that there is reafon to think the agitation produced the mark. In answer to this, the author allows that fuch agitation will produce a mark by producing a general effort of the blood, which caufes a dilatation of the veffels of the fkin, but that the difpofition of the external veffels, and not the mother's imagination always determines the place and figure of the mark. We are fometimes told, fays he, that a child fell ill of a difeafe with which the mother faw a perfon affiicted during her pregnancy, and admitting the fact, it is a farther proof against the effects of imagination. Imagi nation cannot operate with respect to things not imagined. Suppose a country girl fhould be told of the delicious flavour of the pine apple, without any description of its form, could the mark her child with a pine apple by the force of imagination? Now fuppofe a pregnant woman should fee a perfon in convultions; nothing in this. cafe strikes her imagination but the external distortion of the countenance and limbs) of the patient; the external figure, therefore, and that, alone, was what he could mark the child with by the force of imagination: This, however, is not pretended to happen, but a difpofition in the brain to cause convulfions, of which the mother could form po poffible conception... The judicious reader will fee that there is considerable force in thefe arguments, and may probably wish to confult the work itfelf, which, in fome places, appears to F be a tranflatiou from the French, particu larly in the following expreffion, fometime the fpine of the back is curved in different fenfes.' This is certainly not English, but it has greatly the appearance of having been French for fens in French fignifies fide, and to be curved in different fenfes, means to be bent in different directions, or towards different fides. G H 6. Letters on the eloquence of the pulpit, by the editor of Letters between Thea dofius and Conftantia. s 6d Becket. The Author of thefe lerters confiders' the eloquence of the pulpit as well with refped to composition as delivery, it is therefore greatly to be regretted that the compofition of these precepts for compofition, theuld be defective. He obferves, indeed, very july, that a fermon.ought always to be adapted to the congregation before which it is delivered,' and that the fubjects of fermons are now much better chosen than they were half a century ago, when they were chiefly controverfial; but he proceeds to tell us, that "The jeporific qualities of fuch difcourfes "feem to have at length almost totally an"nibilated them, as opiates, continually ta"ken, will, in time, deftroy the bodies "that they lull to reft." Now that foporific qualities fhould annihilate the subject to which they belong, is certainly very ftrange, and ftands in need of illuftration; and it is equally strange that the effects of opium upon thofe who take it, should be mentioned for that purpose. The author, however, proceeds to tell us, that difcourf es with foporific qualities did not cultivate peace; which is another ftrange thing, that in fome future publication, perhaps, he will as happily illuftrate as he has here done the wonder that precedes it. Other paffages there are which alfo require illuftration; he tells us that it should be particularly natural for good men to with the duration of their works; and, speaking of a celebrated preacher, he fays, the ⚫ benevolence of the fupreme Being it was, or ought to have been, that he should have defcribed.' We are afterwards inform ed, that there are none fo pufillanimous in rubom fear is not at fometimes fufpended. Of thefe ftrictures the author has no right to complain, for most of the paffages which gave occafion to them are found in his own ftrictures on another preacher, which nearly fill the first 15 pages of his book, After telling us what preaching should' not be, he tells us what it fhould be; and, in his judgement, preaching should be' Aory-telling He proceeds to treat of the ftile of compofition, an à here he confounds terms with file and idiom. He fuppofes, very juftly, that the preacher fhould ufe no terms but 1 fuch as are well understood by his audience, but he fupqofes too that he should fall fall into their file and idiom, and afferts, B But he muft know very little of language indeed, who is ftill to learn that a bold, an elegant, and figurative ftile may be formed of words familiarly known to the meanest peafant, which, with all the advantages of C perfpicuity, will have all the force of rhetorick. He asks, "To what purpofe it can be to pour into the ears of peasants modulated periods, and fentences metaphorically rich." A ftrange question, furely! On whom have the wonders recorded of anci ent eloquence been wrought, but upon D crowds equally ignorant with our peafants? And in what did that eloquence confist but in harmonious periods and just metaphors? He fays, indeed, that the wonders recorded of ancient eloquence, were effected merely by founds modulated and combined upon the principles of harmony. Eloquence then was powerful only as music, but even in that cafe it would be abfurd not to bring the melody of the period into the account. E Men have an ear for the melody of profe as well as of poetry, whether pronounced well or ill; and the mind is always pleased by the exhibition of images, and always F moved by the force of figurative language, if it is without absurd mixtures, an empty fwell, an affecting foppery, and disgusting incongruity. He tells us, indeed, that we facrifice too much to the fancies of men, when, to gratify and pay our court to them, we leek to embellith divine doctrines and precepts with G the decorations of human ornament: This perhaps may be true; but does it follow that we facrifice too much to the paffions of men, when, from a fincere defire of fixing their attention, and impressing them with a fenfe of important truths, we avail ourfelves of the power of eloquence, and give our language a force and beauty in fome H degree worthy of the fentiments it is to Lonvey. Is eloquence to be fa difplayed only on trifling fubjects? if upon fubjects of im portance, why not on thofe that are imë portant in the highest degree? As to elocution, he comprises what he fays of it under three heads, tone, time, and action. As to tone, he warns the preacher against effeminacy, harshinefs, bawling, whining, and monotony; but as no man is guilty of thefe faults in his own estimation, an indifcriminate condemnation of them can produce no effect. As to time, he fays the preacher's exprefflon must be neither rapid nor loitering, and as to action, he fays very justly, that the preacher's deportment should be folemn and reverent, that his countenance fhould exprefs the fentiments of his foul," and that his gesture fhould be reftrained, like that of a man under the most folema and reverential influences. 7. The fiege of Calais; a tragedy, from the French, with historical notes. 11 6d Flet cber. The profits arifing from the fale of this play will be given to the Aylum. The story upon which this piece is founded, is related by Froiffard, a contempora ry writer, and is well known. Calais being befieged by Henry III. of England, Jobn de Vienne the commander made a fignal for a parley, in which he offered to leave the city with all its treasures to the king, it he would fuffer the inhabitants to depart without injufy to their perfons. The king infifted they should surrender at difcretion. To this the governor would not fubmit; and the king at laft said, that if they would fend him fix of their chief citizens, with halters about their necks, to be difpofed of as he pleased, the rest should be free. Upon the receipt of this message, Euftace de St Pierre first offered to be one, and five others foon joined him in fo generous a facrifice of themselves for their.fel. low-citizens, who were perishing by famine. When they came to the king he brutally ordered them to be beheaded. All his nobles interceded for them, but in vain; but the queen, being then with child, threw herself on her knees, and prevailed on the king to give her their lives. It has received feveral alterations to fit it for the French stage, but, after all, an Exglib reader will greatly wonder at its fuccefs. 8. The history of Mifs Indiana Danley. 5. Dodfley. 9. The hiftory of the Marquifs of Creffey, 21 6d Becket. 10. The generous Briton; or, authentic memoirs of William Goldsmith, Efq; 68 Henderfon. 11. An account of the life of the late Rev. Mr Brainerd, a miffionary among the Indians. 6s Knox. 12. Rational phyfic; or, the art of healing, founded and explained on principles of reafon and experience; by W. Samplon, furgeon, at Sherborne. z 6d Fletcher. 7 Y the act for laying a Ramp duty on ments, in America, the refpective duties on each are the fame as in Great Britain, the monies arifing therefrom, to be applied towards the neceffary defence of the colonies. -In the courfe of the laft feffions of parlia- A ment 223 bills received the Royal affent. If any credit may be given to the foreign prints, the French live upon good terms with the Corfican malecontents; their chief PaoHi having held feveral conferences with the French Commander in Chief, the fue of which has produced mutual civilities on both fides. Paoli, to fupply the neceffities of war, has taken from one of the churches in his diaria, feveral gold and filver images, which he has caufed to be coined into Corfican money, which pales currently in the Ifland, and among the French troops, greatly to the prejudice of the Genoefe. B There is an account from Antigua, that two French cops laden with fugar and late. C ly been fent into that ifland by a government cruifer, who had taken them off the inland of St Vincent, on a contraband trade; but that the cruifer himself was afterwards taken by a French man of war, and carried into Martinico. A new Turkey company is established by charter at Berlin; one million of rix dollars is already fubfcribed to carry on the trade. His Pruffian Majefty has thought fit to Interpofe his royal authority, in order to regu-. late the rents of houfes at Berlin; the owners having made immoderate gains by extorting large fums from the occupiers. Two ladies in the dukedom of Lorrain, one of them wife to a member of the general affembly there, and the other to the commiffary at war, having quarrelled, determined to decide the matter by fwords, and, accordingly, fought, when the former was wounded in the arm, and the other dangerously in the breaft. A globe of fire, of very large diameter, wag feen at Rome the beginning of laft month, the light of which, at ten in the evening, it is faid, was nearly equal to that of the fun, and greatly furprized the inhabitants, but it foon aiiappeared. The King of Spain has demanded of the republic of Genca, a paffage, reciprocally for the Infanta Maria Louifa, who is to be ef poused to the Archduke Leopold cf Auf tria: And alfo, for that of Donna Louija, Infanta of Parma, who is to be efpoufed to the Prince of Afturias, fon to the king of Spain, who are to pals thro' the capital, and territory of the republic, in order to embark on board the fquadron, deftined for their refpective conveyance; to which the republic have returned a most respectful answer. The only furvivor of the five learned gentlemen, whom his Danish Majefty fent out in 1762, to make difcoveries in Arabia and along the Red Sea; arrived in February last, at Bendar Abaff, in the Perfian Gulph, and there embarked on board an English ship from Bombay, for Aleppo. Bagdat, and Diarbech." (Gent. Mag. JUNE 1765.) D E F G H The Lords commiffioners of the Admiral, ty having received information, that, on the 30th of January last, a fhip called the Elizabeth, of Dunkirk, Adrian Frederick mal ter, in failing from thence, bound for Bour deaux; the faid fhip was piratically attacked on the high fea near Pavenfea, by two Englifh fhallops or large boars, the crews of which plundered and robbed the Elizabeth of feveral chefs of merchandize. of very confi derable value, in violation of the laws of nations. Their Lordships in order to bring the offenders to justice have promised a reward of one hundred pounds for the difcovery of them, clear of all deductions. The Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, have propofed an extraordinary premium this year, for the difcovery of The best manner of lighting the freets of a great city during the night, combining together brightness, facility of execution, and cheapness.' Both the fubject and fund for this premium, which is,200 livres, are furnished by M. de Sartine, Lieutenant General of the police. A few days before the late action in the EaftIndies, Caffim Ali Cawn with a detachment of Indoftans, fell upon a fmall party of our men, and cut them off. A few Europeans being amongst them, be cut off their heads, and fent them to the Vizier, which gave great joy to the enemy; but, instead of difpiriting our people, it inspired them with a spirit of revenge that contributed much to the victory. (See p. 256.) The electoral academy at Manbeim have ordered 30 ducats to Dr Joofon, for reftoring life to a perfon fuppofed to be drowned, by means of beds of afhes mingled with falta and proper frictions. The lad on whom this experiment was made, was about four years old, and was taken out of the river with his eyes clofed, his lips vivid, his body cold, his head fwelled, his breaft without refpiration, and for three quarters of an hour he appeared to be dead; but being rubbed with hot cloaths he foon after difcovered motion, and in less than an hour came to his fenfes. (See Vol. xxl. p. 426.) The fociety of Sciences at Harlem, have propofed the following prize-queftion, for the year 1966. Whether it is permitted, in our conduct, to profit from the ignorance of our neighbour; and, in cafe of the affirmative, in what circumflances, and in what degree it is permitted ? The windward part of the island of Dominica,, faid to be about one half, was lately funk, or ingulphed in the ocean, together with all ite inhabi ants. This dreadful event was preceded by repeated earthquakes, which had fhaken the whole ifland. The island of Marigalante, one of the An tilles, has lately been fplit in two, by the violent fhock of an earthquake. A form that happened about the 24th of March, at Portfmouth, in New England, has done incredible camage to the wharfs and shipping in that town and the adjacent coafts. .By the Panther man of war, arrived at Portmouth, from the Eaf-Indies we learn, that the Kent Indiaman, with Lord Clive on board |