תמונות בעמוד
PDF
ePub

His first regular piece of five acts, was the Etourdi, a word which anfwers to our Marplot. This comedy was performed at Lyons in 1658 where Moliere found a ftrolling company, which being deserted upon his arrival were A obliged to decamp: Some of the performers, however, offered themselves to Moliere, who gladly received them, and he proceeded from Lyons to Languedoc with a very good company, confifting principally of four men, the Gros Renes, two brothers, Du Parc, and a paftry cook, whom they had picked up B at Paris; and three women, Du Parc, la Bejart, and De Brie.

• The Prince of Conty, who then governed the states of Languedoc, and refided at Beziers, remembered Moliere whom he had known at college, and diftinguished him by particular marks of favour and protection.

Before this prince Moliere perform ed l'Etoardi, the Depit Amoureux, and the Precieuses Ridicules *.

As the Precieufes was written in Provence, the author had probably nothing in view but to ridicule the affectation of the Provincials, yet his piece has fince been found capable of correcting the follies of the metropolis and the court.

Moliere was then thirty-four years old, the age at which Corneille produced the Cid, and it is fcarce poffible to fucceed fooner in that species of the drama, which requires at once a knowledge of the world and of the heart.

C

D

E

It is faid that the prince of Conty, about this time, would have made Moliere his fecretary, and that, fortunately for the honour of the French theatre, Moliere had the fortitude to prefer a fituation, in which he could dif- F play the fuperiority of his genius, to a tation, in which, whatever dignity it might give him, he could only have appeared equal to other men of the fame rank. If the fact is true, it does equal honour to the prince and the player.

G

After having made the whole circuit of the provinces, and played at Grenoble, at Lyons and at Rouen, he came at last to Paris, in the year 1658. Soon after his arrival the Prince of Conty introduced him to the King's brother, who prefented him to the King, Louis the XIVth, and to the H Queen mother.

The fame year he exhibited the tragedy of Nicomedes, before their majes

Thefe may be tra Tated the Amorous Revenge, and the Fi T

ties, upon aftage erected by theKing's order in the guard-room of the Ŏld Louvre.

A company of comedians had been fome time eftablished at the palace of the Duke of Burgundy, and this company affifted that of Moliere in his first exhibition at Paris. When the play was done, Moliere advanced to the front of the stage, and took the liberty to addrefs the King, in a short fpeech, in which he expreffed his gratitude to his majefty for his indulgence, and very artfully commended the company that had affifted him; of whofe jealousy he had some reason to be afraid he concluded by asking leave to represent a piece of one act, which he had been used to play in Province.

The custom of reprefenting fhort pieces, called entertainments, after the exhibition of a reguiar play, had not been kept up at Burgundy houfe; the King, however, granted Moliere's request, and he immediately brought on the Amorous Doctor, for which every necessary preparation had been made, and from this time, the custom of exhibiting pieces of one act, and sometimes of three, after regular pieces of five has continued unbroken.

Moliere foon after obtained permif* fion to establish his company at Paris, and he shared the theatre of little Bourbon with an Italian company that had been in poffeffion of it fome years.

Moliere's company played on Tuef days, Thursdays and Saturdays, and the Italians on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays

The Burgundy company at the fame time played but three times a week, except when they brought on a new piece.

From this time Moliere's company took the title of Monfieur's company, Monfieur being the appellation of the King's brother, who was their patron and protector; and two years afterwards, in 1660, he gave them the hall of the royal palace, which had been built by Cardinal de Richelieu, for the reprefentation of a tragedy called Mirame, five hundred verfes of which were of his own compofition. the hall was as ill defigned and conftructed as the tragedy, for which it was built, nor is there to this hour one building tolerably adapted to theatrical exhibition in all France.

But

Moliere's company continued in the poffefion of this hall, fuch as it was, till his death; and it was then granted to a company that had a licence to

per

perform operas, though it was adapted to music still less than to declama» tion.

Between the year 1658, and 1673, a fpace of 15 years, Moliere produced all his pieces, which are 30 in number. He fometimes appeared in tragedy, but in tragedy he did not fucceed; he had a kind of catch in his voice, and a quickness too which were not fuitable to folemn declamation, but which rendered his elocution in comedy still more comic. The wife of one of the best comedians that France ever faw has left us the portrait of his person、

He was neither too fat, nor too lean; his ftature was rather tall than fhort, he had a noble port, and a handfome leg; his walk was flow, and his air ferious; he had a large nose, a wide mouth, thick lips, a brown complexion, and long black eye brows ; and he had contracted certain motions of his features which rendered his countenance extremely comic; as to his character, he was good natured, ccmplaifant, and generous; he was

When voted.

very fond of haranguing, and whên he was to read his pieces to the company, he used to defire they would bring their children with them, that he might remark the effects of what he read upon untutored nature.

In Paris, he had a strong party of friends, and almost as many enemies; by acquainting the public with good comedy, he rendered them severe judges of himself. The fame ipectators who applauded middling performances of others, would not suffer the leaft defect in thofe of Moliere.

Mankind form a judgment in proportion to their expectations, and the leaft blemish in the performance of a celebrated author, co operating with the malignity of mankind, is fufficient to ruin it for ever: It was for this reason that the Britannicus, and the Pleaders, of Racine, were fo ill received; and that the Mifer, the Mifantbrope, the Learned Ladies, and the School of Wives, had no fuccefs when they were first brought upon the stage. (To be Concluded in our next.)

SUPPLY voted in Seffion 1765.

NAVY.

Sums voted.

Jan. 21. For maintaining 16,000 men for fea fervice, including} £. 832,000

4,287 marines

--- 28. For the ordinary of the navy and balf-pay

For out-penfioners of Greenwich Hospital

For buildings and repairs of ships for 1765

Mar 12. For discharging navy, victualling and transport bills

April 2. To 30 chaplains of the navy, at 2s. 6d. and 30 at 2s.
S.}

per day, for 1765

ORDNANCE. Jan. 24. For ordnance for land service

For ditto, not provided for

LAND SERVICE.

Jan. 24. For 17,421 men for land fervice

For forces in the plantations, &c.

For defraying the charge of difference of pay between the British and Irish establish. of regiments foot ferving at Gibraltar, &c.

For general and staff-officers

For fubfidies to the Duke of Brunswick

407.734

5,000 200,000

1,500,000

1,231

374.673

55,519

6c8,130

387,502

6,346

11,291

For Chelsea penfioners, for 1765

10,343 109,107

For penfions to reduced officers widows

1,664

For reduced officers of land forces and marines, for 1765
For allowances to reduced horse-guards, &c.

135,606

2,361

Feb. 5. For extra fervices between Dec. 24, 1763, and Dec. 25, 17642
March 19. For defraying the charge of pay and cloathing the mi-

404,495

litia for one year, beginning March 25, 1765,

80,000

25. To the Landgrave of Heffe Caffel, purfuant to treaty April 2. Towards discharging unfatisfied claims and demands for?

50,000

expences in Germany during the late war

Out of the monies remaining to be applied of the exceedings of feveral fams provided for fundry fervices

April 20. For defraying the charge of three independent compa-}

nies of foot to be railed for the coaft of Africa

248,259

251,749

6,491

SUNDRY

SUNDRY SERVICES.

March 18. For paying off and discharging exchequer bills made

out by virtue of an act of last feffion

Towards finishing London-bridge

March 26. For Nova Scotia, for 1765

£.

made? 800,000

For ditto in 1750, 1751, 1752, 1762, and 1763, not provided for

For Georgia

[ocr errors]

For Eaft Florida and Weft Florida (5,200 each)

For expences attending general furveys in North America
Towards building a lazaret

Mar. 28. For paying off 4th part of the capital stock of annuities in
respect of certain navy, victualling and transport bills, and
ordnance debentures

April 2. To the Foundling Hofpital

April 20. To the African forts and fettlements

For building a blockhouse at Cape Appolonia on the African coaft For defraying the charges of a civil eftablishment on Africa coaft May 7. To make good money iffued pursuant to addresses

To the inland of Barbadoes, as a compenfation for their affistance }

in the expedition against Martinico

DEFICIENCIES.

Mar. 19. To make good on July 5, 1764, deficiencies of duties on
offices and penfions, and on houfes, windows, or lights
To ditto on Oct. 10, 1764, of additional duties on wines im-1
ported, and certain duties on cyder and perry

To make good the like fum iffued for paying 4 per cent. an.
nuities ended Sept. 29, 1764, in refpect of navy, victualling
and transport bills, and ordnance debentures

Mar. 26. To make good deficiency of last grants

Voted

7,000

4,918 7,000 3,966

10,400

1,601

5,000

870,88%

38,000

13,000

7,000

3,500

2,400

10,000

48,179

49,743

139,34%

249,660

Total of Supply

7,763,099

WAYS and MEAN S.

[blocks in formation]

April 2. By monies remaining to be applied of the exceedings of?

feveral fums provided for fundry services

of}

251,740

80,000

800,000

4. Money remaining in the Exchequer, granted laft feflion}

20. By loans on Exchequer Bills

Out of duties granted laft feffion on account of fecuring}

the American plantations

60,000

May 6. By money to be paid for maintenance of French prisoners 308,000 7. Out of duties granted this feffion upon the importation? and exportation of Gum Senega and Gum Arabick

12,000

7,996,953

Note, Feb. 7. Several ftamp duties were granted in the British colonies and plantations in America,

Note, alfo 12 Mar. Several duties were granted upon the postage of letters in America and England.

Note, alfo 14 Mar. Principal on navy, victualling and transport bills, made out before June 30, 1764, and delivered before March 26, 1765, to be intitled to the feveral annuities therein mentioned; and alfo an additional duty of 48. per chaldron on coals exported; and alfo 18. in the pound for wrought filks, &c. and alfo 21. in every 100 for any fort of white callicoes and mullins exported, befides the old fubfidy, and several duties upon policies of affurance.

, alfo 25 Mar. Leave given for the importation from the Isle of Man of goods the product of the Eaft Indies, upon payment of one half of the old fubfidy.

Note, alfo'zo April. Several duties were granted upon fugar, rice, deni

[ocr errors][merged small]

Copy of a Letter from M. CLAIRA UT to Dr BE VIS, dated Paris, 11 April, 1765; from the English Original, in

bis own Hand.

Dear Sir,

Wrote to you fome days ago, by

the opportunity of a friend's journey to England, who promifed me to deliver into your hands, befides my letter, one copy of my new Tables of the Moon. I did not think, at that time, that I fhould fo foon write to you again on the account of the faid tables. I was quite ignorant of the efults of your committee for the longitudes. I thought it would only conCern Mr Harrifon's time-keeper, and that the Lunair-tables had nothing to @o with it. Had I had the least no tion of it, I would have gone to England, or at lealt fent my new tables to be prefented to the comm ioners, in order to make my calculations ftand in competition with Mr Mayer's. For I hope to have attained to a confiderable degree of accuracy in my equa. tions of the Moon; and as I have done it by the meer theory, it is to hope that their agreement with the oblervations will hold more conftantly than that which is grounded upon an empirick method, which may be good for a time not very diftant from the obfervations made ufe of in the confection of the tables, and difagree afterwards. However, in cafe the

new tables of Mr Mayer had a greater exactnels than mine, I had at least a right to a reward, as well as Mr Euler, whofe theory is not anterior to mine, and could not have been more ufeful than mine to Mr Mayer.

B

fifhed in 1747, (in our Acad.'s Vol.) ought to have been of a great usefulnels for the improvement of all the tables.

2dly, That I have been the firft (Mr Euler has owned it himself) A who has found the true motion of the Moon's apogee from the laws of attraction: This I fay only as a proof of my having opened, long ago, the true road for the theory of the Moon. 3dly, That the prefent exactness of my tables (and their readiness for the calculations) ftill grounded on the fame theory, and without the help of obfervations, fhew, at full, the certainty of that theory. If, after your examination of thofe tables, you should find them as exact as I have room to imagine, from my own comparison with 200 places of the Moon, I have a great advantage upon Mr Mayer, who has only followed an empiric method, and borrowed another's theory.

C

D

Now, my dear Sir, and worthy friend, the things being as they are, be fo good to tell me what could be done, rot to have loft all my labour, with regard to English rewards. If the time, which will be remnant after your answer to this, is too short to make my addrefs to your parliament, would you not take yourself, in my name, all the measures necessary for that purpofe? I have fome friends in England, who, I hope, will affift you in your defign of ferving me. Mr Stanley, and Sir James Macdonald, for example, I depend entirely on them: I hope alfo that Lord Morton will equally fhew his goodness on that occafion, Will you then, with our friend Mr H Short, fpeak to his Lordship about thefe things.

It is to be faid in my favour, 1ß, That my Theary of the Moon, pub.

I hope, my dear Doctor, that you will not be long without favouring me with an answer on thefe articles, and join to it a little account of the method that has been employed to examine Mr Mayer's tables; who are the aftronomers that have made use of them, how many places of the Moon have been calculated to appreciate their exactnefs; what is the greatest error that has been found, either in latitude or longitude.

Pardon me all these queftions, all the trouble I have given you, and depend upon my real gratitude, and being, for my life, Dear Sir,

Your moft obedient humble Servant,
CLAIRAUT.

Mr URBAN,

HE fellowing medicine has been long

Tadministered with great fuceefs, and I

therefore with it fhould be more generally known, by means of the Gent. Mag. It is

efficacious in the following diforders of children and adults, and, if it should do no good, can do ho harm.

Difoafes in Children.] Habitual coftiveness; worms; whooping-cough; convulfions; breeding teeth; gripings, with green tools; eruptions; all kind of fwellings.

Difeafes in Adults.] Jaundice; fcorbutic Ghumours; cholic; obftructions in the fex. The Medicine.

Senna and jalap, of each one pound fix ounces; cream of tartar and ginger, of each one pound 3 falt of Reel (i e.) green copperas dried before a fire till it is subite, one pound four ounces; pervder thefe ingredients very fine, and incorporate leijurely balf an ounce of the chemical oil of vis; the webicle is fyrup of orange peel, or treacle.

The dofe is a tea-fpoonfull night and more ning for a month, guarding against cold. EDW. WATKINSON,M. I

[ocr errors]

DEAR SIR,

AM recollecting that fome years ago you urged me to read the Letters on Theron and Afpafio. I own your importunity had no influence upon me. The thort extract I had feen in A the Monthly Review, convinced me, that I could not reasonably expect ei ther edification or entertainment from a book which cenfures fome of the best preachers and writers as guides to Hell. But a friend of mine, who has connections in London, having there imbibed the fentiments that are com- B monly called Sandiminian, it became peculiarly defirable for me to have a more diftinct knowledge of them, Thus it happened that the Letters on Theron and Afpafio had long appeared in a third edition before I ever faw them; and, I muft fay, the perufal of them has helped me, perhaps, to this new discovery, that the fcheme of di vinity they contain very much coincides with that of the author of CbriAianity not founded on argument, a book which made fo much noise in the world above 29 years ago, and the dangerous tendency of which was fo juftly D pointed out by feveral able writers, and particularly by Dr Doddridge. If you was ever acquainted with that book, you may, perhaps, have loft your idea of it, and therefore give me leave, Sir, to prefent you with the leading fentiments of that, and then E with those of the Letters on Theron and Afpafio, by which you may the better judge of their remarkable coincidence.

The author of Chriflianity not found. ed on argument, in order to prove that reafon could not poffibly be the principle intended by God to lead us into a true faith, obferves,we are all required to think alike,-upon the penalty of damnation. ;-mult be baptifed into our faith in infancy ;-muft pray for the increase of it; must be taught it in childhood ;-muft believe without doubting,-and without intermiffion;-muft account all obedi. ence worthless that does not proceed from it: Whereas reafon might come too late to regulate our practice; -nor might we live long enough to go through rational enquiry-nor could the unlearned attain fuch a faith-and the learned themfelves might remain prejudiced against it :Befides, a rational faith would be infufficient to produce zeal, confidence, confolation, victory over finful inclinations, and much lefs martyrdom. This view of Faith, he fays, is con(Gent. Mag, MAY 1761)

:

с

p

G

[ocr errors]

H

firmed by Scripture, for Chrif did not propofe his doctrine to examinationnor did the Apoftles-nor had they time or qualifications for it-and it is abfurd in itself that they should take any other method; even miracles were not meant as arguments, becaufe impoftors used them ;-and in themselves confidered they are natural effects of Gospel benevolence,- and were carefully concealed,-and, when defired, were refufed; and their weight is impaired by antiquity,-and rendered only of equal authority with common hiftory:-But there must be fome general principle of faving Faith while damnation is denounced upon not believing. He then fhews that the true principle which leads to faving Faith is to be traced from Scripture, that is, the immediate inspirati on of the Holy Ghoft, which, as hẹ pleads, anfwers all the ends of a religious faith, by being univerfal, instantaneous, infallinle, fuch as books could not furnish, and such as makes Infidelity juftly criminal. This Faith, he adds, is rendered neceffary to the very conftitution of religion, and produces effects quite contrary to reason, -as human wifdom is foolishness with God, and divine and carnal wisdom are direct oppofites; as common ftandard-creeds are not the effect of private reasoning ;-and as a rational Faith would be the evidence of things feen, rather than of things unfeen, for there was no reasoning in Abrabam's faith, nor in Zaccheus's,-true Faith being, in fact, always hurt by reafon, and being inftituted to prevent controverfy, according to the declared faith of parents, magistrates, and universities.

The author of the Letters on Theron and Afpafio defcribes Faith as only confifting in a fimple belief of the truth, or a bare belief of the bare report, and as coming immediately, without feeking, without perfuafion, or the ufe of any endeavours of the perfon himself, or of others with him. He fays every man is equally indifpofed and averse to Faith; that the only reafon why one believes and the other continues in unbelief, is God's having mercy on whom he will, and that the believer's hope is not founded on argument, but folely on the power of God, which forces upon the mind a new set of principles. He rejects all exhortations to faith and holiness, as a forfaking the free grace of God in the Gospel, which leaves nothing for

ότι

« הקודםהמשך »