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" The fathers had not all of Thee;

New births are in Thy grace ;
All open to our souls shall be

Thy glory's hiding place.

“ We gaze on Thy outgoings bright,

Down cometh Thy full power,
We the glad bearers of Thy light;

This, this thy saving hour.”

THE COST OF LIVING.–THE TARIFF. THE FRIEND, for November, contains an article under the above

caption, from the pen of your correspondent, " Excelsior," summing up the case from his standpoint, and giving me credit for sundry

“ admissions,” which, being arranged seriatim, present quite a formidable front. “Excelsior” must, however, allow me to give my own view of the matter, and I would commence by reminding him that my controversy with him has been solely in regard to the T'ariff in its various aspects, and not on the general subject of Revenuc, so that any admissions made by me as to the correctness of his points on the latter subject, must not and cannot fairly be counted against me on the former. It is my practice to concede as much as possible in an argument of this kind, so as to bring all the more force to bear on the main points.

Having premised thus much, I do now most emphatically deny the fact that “this expensive system of taxation (the Tariff) involves a cost to the majority (and those the least able to bear any increase of burden) greater than need be, if we would simply abolish it and raise our revenue by direct taxation.” Having thus explicitly denied this proposition, I will now proceed to refute it. The object of a Tariff, in a young and growing manufacturing country, such as ours, is to secure the greatest possible good to the largest number of people, and this would be among the foremost results of a unifornily protective Tariff.

“ Excelsior " undoubtedly recognizes the justice and eminent fitness of our Patent-Laws; how, then, can he fail to apply the same reasoning to the Tariff-Laws ? A poor man has invented a simple mechanical contrivance which will perform in one day the work which ordinarily required ten days' labor. He has spent weary days, perhaps years, in perfecting his invention, and when he brings it to light some wealthy capitalist, who enjoys a monopoly of the means which the poor man jacks, sees the machine, perceives its merits at a glance, and, availing himself of his vantage ground, erects a large factory, fits it out complete with machinery, the design of which he stole, and reaps a golden harvest; while the poor, unprotected inventor is left to struggle on as best he may.

Such would be the story of inventors were there no laws for their protection. Wise legislators have seen and understood this, and have legislated accordingly. The Capitalists, the Shylocks or the day, raised the same cry of injustice. Why, said they, should the government interfere in such matters ; why not give full and free play to all ? The awarding of a patent to an inventor gives him a far more powerful instrument of protection than the tariff affords the manufacturer. It gives him the full and exclusive control of his invention with right to sell it at his own price.

The parallel between the two cases is plain, but it would perhaps be best to draw it.

A young manufacturing country is the poor inventor. An old aristocratic, wealthy monarchy is the capitalist. Can England, disinterestedly, give us advice in this matter? How kind in our English cousins to advise us to close up our manufactories, shut up our mines, and allow them graciously to supply our wants for a slight pecuniary consideration.

If any individual, or any number of individuals, possessed of sufficient phy. sical and moral courage venture upon the all but hopeless task of attempting to rival British manufacturers, backed by British gold, thereby tending to break down a giant monopoly, and to free their fellow citizens from an all but servile submission to foreigners, such persons deserve the encouragement and approbation of their countrymen, and it is no more than simple justice for the Government to place a barrier between them and those who, by their greed and avarice, seek or attempt their temporal destruction. And this tax, though on the face of it appearing to be a tax on one class of citizens for the benefit of another, is in reality and indisputably a tax on foreigners, for the exclusive benefit of our own countrymen, irrespective of class or condition, as I will try to make plain further on.

And now let me endeavor to show from figures that even the spasmodic duties on Imports, with which we have been favored, have had a direct tendency to reduce the price of the articles on wnich they have been levied ; and as the scale of duty has been frequently changed, we can have an opportunity of witnessing the almost simultaneous effect upon the article in question. The articles are so numerous that it is difficult to choose, but I will make a few extracts from a very interesting and instructive pamphlet published in the early part of this year in Boston, being “ An Address, delivered before the National Association of Knit Goods' Manufacturers', May, 1867, by John L. Hayes."

“The article, soda-ash, is one which is very extensively used in this country (our annual consumption being at least 40,000 tons,) chiefly in the manufacture of paper, and is consequently indispensable ;o our daily requirements. In 1850 and 1851, a manufactory of soda-ash was started in Pittsburgh ; the l'uty then levied upon it being ten per centum ad val., barely sufficient to protect so new a manufacture. The British article in our market at this time sold at ten cents per pound, but as soon as the competition of the American manufacturer was felt in the market, the price was reduced to six cents, Still our manufacturers struggled on, and were able to earn a small pr fit. In 1857, however, the free traders obtained control of some articles, and this among the rest, and reduced the duty to four per cent. Even under this increased weight, our manufacturers held their own, and the market price of the British product was reduced to four and-a-half cents. The Tariff of 1861 placed soda-ash on the free list, which served to completely crush out the American manufacturers, and raise the price of the British article in this country to from twelve to fifteen cents.”

Thus, in the comparatively short period of ten years, our manufacturers ere able to reduce the price of a British staple to the enormous extent of fifty-five per cent., and this in the face of a gradually diminishing Tariff; whereas no sooner was the duty taken off than they were obliged to succumb, and the price immediately shot up far above its original figure. Nor is this an isolated instance. In the article of manufactured Steel, we have made large reductions in the price of the British article in this country by our wise legislation on the Tariff. The idea is hooted at by free-traders that English manufacturers should send their goods to this country and sell them for less money than they obtain for them in their own country ; but this is perfectly intelligible when we realize that their home market is fooded with their manufactures, and that some outlet must be found for them, and it is an undeniable fact that goods for the American market are invoiced and sold at prices lower than the average at the place of production. And it would indeed be strange if British manufacturers who are engaged in making wares expressly for our market did not feel the competition of our own manufacturers.

Our great need, then, is a Tariff carefully revised by men thoroughiy conversant with each and every article of essential importance, in order that the duty may be in proportion to the needs of the manufacturer and the popularity and standing in the market of the foreign article.

The present Tariff is a very poor one in this particular, extravagant rates of duty being levied on some articles in which home competition is impracticable, and others being ailowed to slip through at a mere nominal tax, which should pay heavy imposts.

These, then, are the grounds I take for demanding a stringently protective Tariff: 1. Its gradual but sure tendency to cheaper prices and effectually destroy a large and growing monopoly. 2. Its direct tendency to enlarge and build up home trade and home enterprize with incalculable rapidity, thereby ensuring our national prosperity, and 3. The incentives which it cannot fail to arouse in our people to learn, so far as possible, to depend upon themselves; not to be content quietly to sit down with folded hands and allow ourselves to be outstripped in mechanics and the arts by other nations, and content ourselves with the poor lot of consumers, pure and simple.

“ Excelsior " quotes a paragraph from a Newburyport (Mass.) newspaper, to show that a mill in that town “ has just divided ten per cent. for six months' earnings, and reserved eighteen per cent. for improved machinery." We are glad to know that there are instances of this kind, and God speed the day when they shall become the rule and not the exception, for then we shall be on a sure high road to national (and individual) prosperity and the vexed “ Tariff question” will be settled. Meantime, as there is no act of Congress to the contrary, I would respectfully suggest that “ Excelsior” and those of his friends who share his views in this matter, sell their farms and other high-taxed and unremunerative possessions, and invest the proceeds in Mills of this description ; having thus invested their treasure, they may then find it possible for their hearts and voices to follow and sustain it.

AMERICUS.

A FRIENDLY NUDGE.

you, but”

W

E confess to an increasing respect for conservatives. Having, in

younger days, proudly classed ourselves with the despised agitators, we were bitter with them against the men who “ were just as anti-slavery as

We were grieved that men of mind and culture should so perversely hold themselves aloof from reform movements, and felt that this little word but, represented an unpardonable delinquency. Our blood is somewhat cooler now, and we begin to realize the possibility of the world's going right without our “ gee.” We do not mean to admit that we are ourselves grow. ing conservative in the usual acceptance of the word. We do not mean that we wish to belong to the class, whose continual attitude is that of “let us alone;" or that we would conserve a thought or an institution, simply because it has been long recognized or established. But every year of our life we are growing more and more to sympathize with those who shrink from the clamor and outcry of reform. The love of quiet, and of peace, usually grows with

gray hairs and advancing years, though we must admit that whatever of these qualities inhere with us are somewhat premature, no grey hairs having yet graced our head.

Reformers, in their attempts to be heard above the commotion of pleasure and business, shout themselves hoarse, while the philosopher is content to be still and see the work of the Lord.

To be sure, politicians find noise an element of power in the party meeting, and sometimes carry an election by mere force of vigorous shouting. But reformers should be something more than politicians ; they should feel the necessity of something more than surface reform.

The use of political machinery, in matters of reform, is, at the best, a choice of evils, a questionable instrumentality for the promotion of good. In the hands of those unused to its workings, it is apt to prove a two-edged sword, as dangerous to the one who wields it as to his antagonist.

So it too often happens that a noble and worthy cause is injured by the violent and injudicious efforts of those who desire to be its friends, and such we cannot help feeling to be the case, with the history of the woman question in Kansas during the past few months. We fear that the instrumentality by which its adherents have sought to further it, will, in spite of the boasted seven thous. and ballots, yet give it a secret stab, which will be weary months in healing.

A word fitiy spoken,” we prize above all things, but ideas have a progressive force, and push themselves forward through the ages, in spite of obstacles. We believe in quiet work, but whenever a good word can help aiong the truth, let no considerations of personal ease hinder us from doing all in our power to send it rejoicing on its way.

THE FRIEND.

Vol. 111.- JANUARY, 1868.- NO. 26.

EGYPT'S PLACE IN UNIVERSAL HISTORY.

An Historical Investigation, in 5 volumes. By C. C. I. Baron Bunsen, D.Ph.,

D.C.L., and D.D. Translated from the German by Charles H. Cottrell, Esq., M.A., with additions by Samuel Birch, L.L.D. Vol. 5.—London: LONGMANS, GREEN & Co. 1867.

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IN
N some portions of this book, God is called Elohim, with the verb in the

singular. It might be rendered as an abstraction, “God-head." In others he is designated as Jahveh-pronounced Jahovah, improperly, by throwing into it the vowels of the word Adonai (Lord), usually written beneath it, to show that it was unpronounceable, thus: J. H. V. H.

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Tuch shows that the Elohim is a connected story, to which the Jewish Jehovist adds his scraps of tradition, thinking to fill a gap.

Ist.

We have in it the earliest Registers or Pedigrees.
2d. Brief memoranda' attached to them.
3d. Songs commemorative of great events,
4th. Detailed stories.

In Genesis, then, under the first head, we have to compare two entirely different registers.

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