The Political History of the United States of America, During the Great Rebellion: Including a Classified Summary of the Legislation of the Second Session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, the Three Sessions of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the First Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, with the Votes Thereon, and the Important Executive, Judicial, and Politico-military Facts of that Eventful Period; Together with the Organization, Legislation, and General Proceedings of the Rebel Administration; and an Appendix Containing the Principal Political Facts of the Campaign of 1864, a Chapter on the Church and the Rebellion, and the Proceedings of the Second Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress
Philp & Solomons, 1865 - 653 עמודים
מה אומרים אנשים - כתיבת ביקורת
לא מצאנו ביקורות במקומות הרגילים
מהדורות אחרות - הצג הכל
agreed to—yeas amendment Amos Myers Ancona arms army arrest authority Benjamin F bill Blair Brown Buckalew Charles O'Neill citizens civil Clark command Committee Confederate Congress Constitution Convention Court Davis Dawes declared Department district Dixon duty Edward Edward Joy Morris election Eliot Executive Eyck Federal Fessenden follows force Francis fugitive slave Government Grimes habeas corpus Hale Harlan Harris havo Henry Winter Davis hereby House insurrection James John Johnson Kellogg Lane of Indiana Lane of Kansas Legislature Leonard Myers loyal ment military Missouri Morrill Nats—Messrs nays officers Orlando Kellogg peace persons Pomeroy President proclamation proposition rebel rebellion resolution Rice Rollins Samuel Samuel F secession Secretary Senate Sherman slavery South Carolina Sumner territory thereof tho United Thomas tion treason Trumbull Union Vallandigham Virginia vote Wade Washburn William William G William Kellogg Wilson writ of habeas Yeas—Messrs
עמוד 89 - That the Constitution, and all Laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within the United States...
עמוד 107 - Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible. So that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.
עמוד 107 - Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.
עמוד 106 - The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was " to form a more perfect Union.
עמוד 106 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.
עמוד 107 - Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.
עמוד 107 - And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.
עמוד 71 - No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize, or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State.