mons-the Deputies of the Tiers Etat, a third part of the States General, together with fome Deputies of the Clergy, affuming "the fince celebrated denomination of the National Affembly;" and in order, doubtlefs, to confolidate their ufurpation, pronouncing that "all levies, impofts, and taxes were unconstitutional, which were not enacted by the formal confent of the Reprefentatives of the Nation; that, confequently, the exifting taxes were illegal and null, but that they fhould continue to be levied only until the feparation of that Aflembly, from whatever caufe that might happen." P. 85-86. This conduct, however, appears to be merely" temperate and firm" in the eyes of our impartial hiftorians.

The King, concerned to find that the States were not likely to take any step towards effectuating the important purposes for which they had heen convened, fummoned them to a Royal Seffion to be holden on the 23d of June; when addreffing them in the character of the common father of all his people, anxious for their profperity and happiness, he enjoined them to put an end to their fatal divifions, and propofed a plan of reform through all the Departments of Government and of the State: a plan which was fo framed as to correfpond with the wifhes of the nation as expreffed in their Cahiers, which had for its object the abolition of every abuse and the establishment of every right of a free people, and which fhould have been received with unbounded joy, and made the bafis of a Magna Charta of the French nation. Certain it is, if the King, inftead of being a mild and benevolent Prince, anxious for the welfare and felicity of his fubjects, had driven them by intolerable tyranny and oppreffion to take up arms in their defence, the most decifive victories could not have procured them greater advantages than were voluntarily and cheerfully held out in this royal declaration. So gracious and benevolent a proposal did not, however, accord with the factious views of the Commons, neither can it find favour with their advocates, the authors of this impartial hiftory. Indeed the latter seem to have contented themfelves with adopting on this fubject the fentiments, and with tranflating the expreffions contained in a very violent hiftory of the Revolution, par deux amis de la Liberté (a remark that might be applied to various parts of the work before us) for had they confulted the declaration itself, they could never have prefumed to affirm that "the odious tyranny of Lettres de Cachet was formally announced to be continued with only a few modifications," or that "a guarded filence was obferved concerning the liberty of the prefs.' Our readers will be enabled to judge of the juftnefs of the hiftorians laim to impartiality, by perufing the articles of the declara

ration which relate to the above fubjects, and which we here prefent to their notice.

Art. 15. "The King, defirous to fecure the personal li berty of all citizens on a folid and permanent footing, invites the States General to feek and propofe to him, the best means of conciliating the abolition of thofe orders, known by the name of Lettres de Cachet with the maintenance of public fafety, and the precautions necessary to be taken in certain cafes, either to preferve the honour of families, to reprefs with celerity the firft efforts of fedition, or to fave the State from the effects of a criminal correfpondence with foreign powers.

Art. 16. "The States General will communicate to his Majesty the most proper means of conciliating the liberty of the prefs, with the refpect due to religion, to manners, and to the personal honour of citizens."

on the

The conciliatory proposals of his Majefty ferved only to increase the infolence and pertinacity of the Commons, who, adhering to their plan of bringing over the other orders, paffed a vote, declaring the "perfons of the Deputies inviolable."The following day they were joined by "the majority of the Clergy" to the eternal difgrace of that order; and " 25th, forty-nine Members of the Nobility, with the (infamous) Duke of Orleans at their head, made their appearance in the Affembly." It was moved, indeed, among the nobles by the Count de Clermont Tonnere, and feconded by M. de Lally Tolendal, that their order fhould accede to the propofed union; but the majority refolved to continue firm. At length, in an evil moment, the King was perfuaded to give way, and to iffue his mandate for the amalgamation of orders. At the fame moment he in effect figned his own death-warrant-enfured the overthrow of the Monarchy-and, by a mistaken pursuit of peace and harmony, prepared worfe evils for the country than could have refulted even from civil war.

Nothing now remained to counteract the defigns of a most profligate faction, which, emboldened by fuccefs, and powerfully affifted by a spirit of popular fury and licentiousness, had become irresistible. This faction fpeedily completed the deftruction of the higher orders, which, being deprived of their separate existence, were totally without defence. It abolished all gradation of rank, invaded the moft facred rights of property, levelled both the throne and the altar, and, under the pretence of giving effect to wild and vifionary principles of liberty, incompatible with the nature of focicty, threw the most ancient and powerful ftate of Europe into the completest confusion and anarchy, and in the result endangered the fecurity

of

of every other ftate, and the moral harmony of the whole world. In following our authors through the detail of this destruction, we fhould have little to remark, but a vindication of the principles, which, in their practical application, have produced fo much mifchief, and a very grofs mifreprefentation of important occurrences Although we have given abundant fpecimens to justify this obfervation, we cannot refrain from quoting the following defcription of the fhocking proceffion from Versailles to Paris, when the Royal Family, after having their palace forced, their guards murdered, and the life of the Queer expofed to the most imminent danger, were, on the 6th of October, 1789, conducted by a mob of Parifian furies to their prifon in the capital.

"It was two o'clock in the afternoon before the proceffion fet out. During the progrefs all was gaiety and joy among the foldiers and fpectators; and fuch was the relpect in which the French nation ftill held the name and perfon of their King, that the multitude were fuperftitiously perfuaded that the royal prefence would actually put an end to the famine." P. 249.

Who, on reading this defcription, would fuppofe it poffible, that the unfortunate Monarch was on this occafion, preceded by ruffians, who with naked and enfanguined arms, carried pikes on which were fixed the heads of two of the King's body guards, who had a little before been murdered by the mob and that not only were the eyes of the Royal captives thocked with fo dreadful a fpectacle, frequently prefented before the windows of their carriage, but their ears were inceffantly af failed with the groffeft infults, and the moft horrid cries and yells, during the whole of this more than favage proceffion.

It cannot appear furprifing, that a work containing fuch erroneous statements of the early events of the French Revolution fhould lay the blame of the war which has fince broken out, on the powers first engaged therein with France, who are here treated in the truly democratical ftyle with a profufion of the liberal appellations of Tyrants, Defpots, Royal Banditti, &c. &c. In fupport of the conftruction, that the war was entirely offenfive on the part of the Allies, the Treaty of Pilnitz, between the Emperor Leopold and the King of Pruffia (the existence of which is undoubted) is infinuated to have had for its object "the partition of France as well as Poland, or at least of a confiderable portion of the territories of both, among the Confederated Powers." p. 448. And another partition treaty, upon the like principle, is given at length, as having actually been figned at Pavia, in the month of July 1791, by the Emperor Leopold (himfelf), by the Minifters of Ruffia, Spain, and Pruffia; and England and Holland are stated to

have afterwards acceeded to this treaty. Our authors, however, merit not more praife for their diplomatic accuracy than for their historical impartiality. The treaty of Pilnitz was founded upon the principle, which fubfequent events have molt amply confirmed, that the fituation of the King of France (who had about two months before unfuccefstully endeavoured to effect his efcape, and had been brought back a prifoner to Paris, was an object of common interest to all the Sovereigns of Europe. But fo far were the contracting parties from entertaining any hoftile difpofition towards France, that upon the French Monarch's agreeing foon afterwards to accept the Conftitution which was impofed upon him, and being again fet up as a pageant of Royalty, though still detained a prifoner in his capital, the Emperor formally announced, that as the danger meant to be provided against was no longer immediate, the treaty was not meant to be acted upon. The treaty of Pavia, which is here detailed in great form, is not only unfupported by any evidence to prove that it ever existed, but carries on the face of it evident marks of fabrication, and is almoft univerfally confidered as fpurious.

With a parity of principle and of reafoning, Great Britain is reprefented as having provoked" the war on her part. And we are told that it is an infult on common sense to say there is no perfon (in France) with whom to treat." Accordingly our authors conclude "with earnestly recommending peace by whatever means it can be achieved." Vol. II. p. 351. We will not

infult our readers with comments on such observations.— We will not fuppofe it poffible that any thing we can fay can add weight to the teftimony of facts, which prove indifputably that France has been the aggreffor, with respect not only to Great Britain, but to every other power engaged in the conteft; and that, not merely by an actual commencement of hoftilities, but by having adopted a fyftem incompatible with the peace, fecurity and order of every civilized State: and that on a vigorous profecution of the war depend our beft hopes of bringing it to a fuccefsful and honourable termination.

It will be readily perceived that the importance of the fubjects to which we have principally directed our remarks, rather than any intrinfic merit of the work itself, has induced us to beltow fo much attention upon this Hiftory of the French Revolution, to our account of which we think it right to fubjoin this caution; that fince there are writers and readers (doubtlefs) who can confider as impartial, a history that breathes throughout the fpirit of democracy, and approves all those steps which have led to the confufion and horror prevalent in France, it behoves the friends of our Laws and Constitution

to

to continue on their guard against the open and fecret manœuvres of fuch men; to trace them under all their disguises, and relift their attempts, however fpecioufly propofed. With them, it is evident, reform means fubverfion, and patriotifm hoftility to that Conftitution which true patriots have formed, and the world has viewed with admiration.

ART. XV. An Epitome of Hiftory in a concife View of the most important Revolutions of Events which are recorded in the Hiftaries of the principal Empires, Kingdoms, States, and Republics now fubfifting in the World; alfo their Forms of Government; accompanied with fhort Accounts of the different Religions which prevail, their peculiar Doctrines, Ceremonies, Worship, Conftitutions, and Ecclefiaftical Government. By John Payne, Author of the Syftem of Geography, and of the Naval, Commercial, and general Hiftory of Great Britain. Defigned for the Youth of both Sexes. 8vo. 6s. Johnson. 1794.

THIS volume will certainly answer the purpose for which it was intended, and will prove an agreeable and useful if not an infallible guide. The information feems to have been drawn from the most refpectable authorities, and is conveyed in a ftyle, which, if not attracting from its splendor, is never offenfive from its meannefs. This is, however, to be confidered only as the commencement of the work, and its contents are confined to a view of the principal States of Europe. A fecond Volume is announced, which is to exhibit the most interesting Afiatic hiftories.

The author commences his volume with an account of England, but we fhall felect, as a specimen of the manner and ftyle of this publication, a portion of what is faid on Ruffia.

The occurrences in Europe, fince the peace of 1774, have uniformly contributed to raife the confequence and power of Ruffia. When the fatal conteft with her American Colonies deprived Great Britain of the ufual supply of naval ftores from the western world, the ports of Ruffia were reforted to for hemp, timber, and iron. The maritime war which Britain was foon after compelled to wage with France and Spain, caused a prodigious demand for thofe articles of commerce; and the politic Catharine took care to avail herself to the utmost of those favourable circumftances. The effential fervices which England had rendered to Ruffia, in forming its marine, were not regarded, when interest interdicted a return of good offices. The indignant spirit of Great Britain was compelled to submit to the regulations laid down by an armed neutrality in matters of commerce, where fhe had hitherto dictated the law, and on an element

of