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ministers. The sacrifices to the emperor Shae-hao, the next in descent from Hwang-ti, were maintained in Ten, so that the chief fancied that he knew all about the abstruse subject on which he discoursed. Confucius, hearing about the matter, waited on the visitor, and learned from him all that he had to communicate‘.

To the year B. c. 525, when Confucius was twenty-nine years old, is referred his studying music under a famous master of the name of Hsiang 2. He was approaching his thirtieth year when, as he tells us, ‘he stood“’ firm, that is, in his convictions on the subjects of learning to which he had bent his mind fifteen years before. Five years more, however, were still to pass by, before the anticipation mentioned in the conclusion of the last paragraph began to receive its fulfilment‘, though we may conclude from the way in which it was brought about that he was growing all the time in the estimation of the thinking minds in his native State.

In the twenty-fourth year of duke Chao, 13.0. 518, one of the principal ministers of Lfi, known by the name of Mang Hsi, died. Seventeen years before, he had painfully felt his ignorance of ceremonial observances, and had made it his subsequent business to make himself acquainted with them. On his deathbed, he addressed his chief officer, saying, ‘A knowledge of propriety is the stem of a man. Without it he has no means of standing firm. I have heard that there is one K'ung Ch'ifl, who is thoroughly versed in it. He is a descendant of sages, and though the line of his family was extinguished in Sung, among his ancestors there were Ffi-ffl Ho, who resigned the State to his brother, and Chang K'ao-ffi, who was distinguished for his humility. Tsang Hsh has observed that if sage men of intelligent virtue do not attain to eminence, distinguished men are sure to appear among their posterity. His words are now to be verified, I think, in K‘ung Ch'ifl. After my death, you must

1 This rests on the respectable authority of Ten Ch'ifi-ming's annotations on the Ch'un Ch'iu, but I must consider it apocryphal. The legend-writers have fashioned a journey to Ten. The slightest historical intimation becomes a text with them, on which they enlarge to the glory of the sage. Amiot has reproduced and expanded their romancings, and others, such as Pauthier (Chine, pp. 121—183) and Thornton (History of China, vol. i. pp. 151-2159,

have followed in his wake. I Em See the ‘Namtives of the School,’ % 5,

art. % % %; but the account there given is not more credible than the chief of

T'an's expositions. ' Ana. II. iv. ‘ The journey to Chan is placed by Sze-mb. Ch'ir n before Confucius's holding of his first official employments, and Ch} Hat and most other Writers follow him. It is a great error, and arisen from a misunderstanding of the passage

from the E R {a upon the subject.

tell Ho-chi to go and study proprieties under himl.’ In consequence of this charge, Ho-chi 2, Mang Hsi’s son, who appears in the Analects under the name of Mang I3, and a brother, or perhaps only a near relative, named Nan-kung Chang-slif)‘, became disciples of Confucius. Their wealth and standing in the State gave him a position which he had not had before, and he told Chang-shu of a wish which he had to visit the court of Chan, and especially to confer on the subject of ceremonies and music with Lao Tan. Chang-slid represented the matter to the duke Ch'ao, who put a carriage and a pair of horses at Confucius’s disposal for the expedition 5.

At this time the court of Chau was in the city of L0“, in the present department of Ho-nan of the province of the same name. The reigning sovereign is known by the title of Chang", but the sovereignty was little more than nominal. The state of China was then analogous to that of one of the European kingdoms during the prevalence of the feudal system. At the commencement of the dynasty, the various states of the kingdom had been assigned to the relatives and adherents of the reigning family. There were thirteen principalities of greater note, and a large number of smaller dependencies. During the vigorous youth of the dynasty, the sovereign or lord paramount exercised an effective control over the various chiefs, but with the lapse of time there came weakness and decay. The chiefs—corresponding somewhat to the European dukes, earls, marquises, barons, &c.—quarrelled and warred among themselves, and the stronger among them barely acknowledged their subjection to the sovereign. A similar condition of things prevailed in each particular State. There there were hereditary ministerial families, who were continually encroaching on the authority of their rulers, and the heads of those families again were frequently hard pressed by their inferior oflicers. Such was the state of China in Confucius’s time. The reader must have it clearly before him, if he would understand the position of the sage, and the reforms which, we shall find, it was subsequently his object to introduce. ,

Arrived at Chan, he had no intercourse with the court or any of

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the principal ministers. He was there not as a politician, but as an inquirer about the ceremonies and maxims of the founders of the existing dynasty. Lao Tan 1, whom he had wished to see, generally acknowledged as the founder of the Taoists, or Rationalistic sect (so called), which has maintained its ground in opposition to the followers of Confucius, was then a curator of the royal library. They met and freely interchanged their views, but no reliable account of their conversations has been preserved. In the fifth Book of the Li Chi, which is headed ‘ The philosopher Tsang asked,’ Confucius refers four times to the views of Lfio-tsze on certain points of funeral ceremonies, and in the ‘Narratives of the School,’ Book XXIV, he tells Chi K‘ang what he had heard from him about ‘ The Five Tis,’ but we may hope their conversation turned also on more important subjects. Sze-ma Ch'ien, favourable to LAO-tsze, makes him lecture his visitor in the following style :—‘ Those whom you talk about are dead, and their bones are mouldered to dust ; only their words remain. When the superior man gets his time, he mounts aloft; but when the time is against him, he moves as if his feet were entangled. I have heard that a good merchant, though he has rich treasures deeply stored, appears as if he were poor, and that the superior man whose virtue is complete, is yet to outward seeming stupid. Put away your proud air and many desires, your insinuating habit and wild will 2. These are of no advantage to you. This is all which I have to tell you.’ On the other hand, Confucius is made to say to his disciples, ‘ I know how birds can fly, how fishes can swim, and how animals can run. But the runner may be snared, the swimmer may be hooked, and the flyer may be shot by the arrow. But there is the dragon. I cannot tell how he mounts on the wind through the clouds, and rises to heaven. To-day I have seen Lao-tsze, and can only compare him to the dragon 3,’ While at Lo, Confucius walked over the grounds set apart for the great sacrifices to Heaven and Earth; inspected the pattern of the Hall of Light, built to give audience in to the princes of the kingdom; and examined all the arrangements of the ancestral temple and the court. From the whole he received a profound

‘ According to Sze-ma Ch'ien, Tan was the posthumous epithet of this individual, whose

surname was Li name R and designation Po-yang a % fig .ghi. 7.2 $9. a See the m gfi, {5 4% E, and compare the remarks

lttributed to LQO-tsze in the account of the K'ung family near the beginning. VOL. I. F

impression. ‘ Now,’ said he with a sigh, ‘ I know the sage wisdom of the duke of Chan, and how the House of Chan attained to the royal sway 1.’ On the walls of the Hall of Light were paintings of the ancient sovereigns from Yao and Shun downwards, their characters appearing in the representations of them, and words of praise or warning being appended. There was also a picture of the duke of Chau sitting with his infant nephew, the king Ch'ang, upon his knees, to give audience to all the princes. Confucius surveyed the scene with silent delight, and then said to his followers, ‘ Here you see how Chan became so great. As we use a glass to examine the forms of things, so must we study antiquity in order to understand the present time 2.’ In the hall of the ancestral temple, there was a metal statue of a man with three clasps upon his mouth, and his back covered over with an enjoyable homily on the duty of keeping a watch upon the lips. Confucius turned to his disciples and said, ‘Observe it, my children. These words are true, and commend themselves to our feelings 3.’

About music he made inquiries at Ch‘ang Hung, to whom the following remarks are attributed :—‘ I have observed about Chungni many marks of a sage. He has river eyes and a dragon forehead, —-the very characteristics of Hwang-ti. His arms are long, his back is like a tortoise, and he is nine feet six inches in height,—-the very semblance of Tang the Completer. When he speaks, he praises the ancient kings. He moves along the path of humility and courtesy. He has heard of every subject, and retains with a strong memory. His knowledge of things seems inexhaustible—Have we not in him the rising of a sage ‘ '4 ’

I have given these notices of Confucius at the court of Chan, more as being the only ones I could find, than because I put much faith in them. He did not remain there long, but returned the same year to Lu, and continued his work of teaching. His fame was greatly increased; disciples came to him from different parts, till their number amounted to three thousand. Several of those who have come down to us as the most distinguished among his followers, however, were yet unborn, and the statement just given may be considered as an exaggeration. We are not to conceive of the disciples as forming a community, and living together. Parties

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of them may have done so. We shall find Confucius hereafter always moving amid a company of admiring pupils ; but the greater number must have had their proper avocations and ways of living, and would only resort to the Master, when they wished specially to ask his counsel or to learn of him.

5. In the year succeeding the return to Lu, that State fell into great confusion. There were three Families in it, all connected irregularly with the ducal House, which had long kept the rulers in

He withdraw a condition of dependency. They appear frequently $13120 aLng try; in the Analects as the Chi clan, the Shfi, and the following year. Mang; and while Confucius freely spoke of their

M'SIS56' usurpations 1, he was a sort of dependent of the Chi family, and appears in frequent communication with members of all the three. _ In the year 3.6. 517, the duke Chao came to open hostilities with them, and being worsted, fled into Ch'i, the State adjoining Lu on the north. Thither Confucius also repaired, that he might avoid the prevailing disorder of his native State. Ch'i was then under the government of a ruler (in rank a. marquis, ' but historically called duke), afterwards styled Ching 2, who ‘had a. thousand teams, each of four horses,but on the day of his death the people did not praise him for a. single virtue 3.’ His chief minister, however, was Yen Ying 4, a man of considerable ability and worth. At his court the music of the ancient sage-emperor, Shun, originally brought to Ch'i from the State of Chen 5, was still preserved.

According to the ‘ Narratives of the School,’ an incident occurred on the way to Ch'i, which I may transfer to these pages as a good specimen of the way in which Confucius turned occurring matters to account, in his intercourse with his disciples. As he was passing by the side of the Tai mountain, there was a woman weeping and wailing by a grave. Confucius bent forward in his carriage, and after listening to her for some time, sent Tsze-lu to ask the cause of her grief. ‘ You weep, as if you had experienced sorrow upon sorrow,’ said Tsze-lii. The woman replied, ‘ It is so. My husband’s father was killed here by a tiger, and my husband also; and now my son has met the same fate.’ Confucius asked her why she did not remove from the place, and on her answering, ‘ There is here no oppressive government,’ he turned to his disciples, and said, ‘My

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