draft 子 飾叔日,能 之討為 東論命 子日愛之能勿勞乎 里之稗乎能 子行諶 sung 潤子創時 CHAP. VIII. The Master said, 'Can there be love which does not lead to strictness with its object? Can there be loyalty which does not lead to the instruction of its object?' CHAP. IX. The Master said, 'In preparing the governmental notifications, Pi Shăn first made the rough draught"; Shi-shd examined and discussed its contents; Tsze-yü, the manager of Foreign intercourse, then polished the style; and, finally, Tsze-ch'ân of Tung-li gave it the proper elegance and finish.' CHAP. X. I. Some one asked about Tsze-ch'ân. The Master said, He was a kind man.' 2. He asked about Tsze-hsi. The Master said, 'That man! That man!' 3. He asked about Kwan Chung. For him,' said the Master, 'the city of Pien, with three hundred families, was taken from the chief of the Po family, who did not utter a murmuring word, though, to the end of his life, he had only coarse rice to eat.' 8. A LESSON FOR PARENTS AND MINISTERS, THAT | language of government orders, covenants, and THEY MUST BE STRICT AND DECIDED. Láo, being conferences;' see the Châu Li, XXV. par. II. parallel with hûi, is to be construed as a verb, and conveys the meaning in the translation different from the meaning of the term in XIII. i. K'ung Ân-kwo takes it in the sense of ‘to soothe,'' comfort,' in the 3rd tone, but that does not suit the parallelism. 9. THE EXCELLENCE OF THE OFFICIAL NOTIFICA Tsze-ch'an (see V. xv) was the chief minister of the State, and in preparing such documents first used the services of P'i Shăn, who was noted for his wise planning of matters. Shîshù shows the relation of the officer indicated to the ruling family. His name was Yû-chi was (游吉). The province of the 行人 10. THE JUDGMENT OF CONFUCIUS CONCERNING TSZE-CH'AN, TSZE-HSI, AND KWAN CHUNG. TIONS OF CHANG, OWING TO THE ABILITY OF FOUR I. See 以 莊武園 則 日,今之成人者何必然覺 禮樂亦可以爲成人 莊子之勇冉求之藝文之 無 優 子 驕 ̄ 日易。日 旦言。 見矣。之下臧夫老 Isak Bing 無怨言 墜子 日 貧而無怨難富而 CHAP. XI. The Master said, 'To be poor without murmuring is difficult. To be rich without being proud is easy. CHAP. XII. The Master said, 'Măng Kung-ch'o is more than fit to be chief officer in the families of Chao and Wei, but he is not fit to be great officer to either of the States Tăng or Hsieh.' CHAP. XIII. I. Tsze-lû asked what constituted a COMPLETE man. The Master said, 'Suppose a man with the knowledge of Tsang Wû-chung, the freedom from covetousness of Kung-ch'o, the bravery of Chwang of Pien, and the varied talents of Zăn Ch'ia; add to these the accomplishments of the rules of propriety and music:-such an one might be reckoned a COMPLETE man. 2. He then added, ' But what is the necessity for a complete man of the present day to have all these things? The man, who in the ing tendencies of the rulers of Ch'û. He had not very high. In the sage's time, the governwas in the moreover opposed the wish of king Chao (of ment of the State of Tsin (晉) Chû) to employ the sage. 3. Kwan Chung, hands of the three families, Chao, Wei, and see III. xxii. To reward his merits, the duke Hwan conferred on him the domain of the Han(韓), which afterwardsdivided the whole officer mentioned in the text, who had been guilty of some offence. His submitting as he did to his changed fortunes was the best tribute to Kwan's excellence. 11. IT IS HARDER TO BEAR POVERTY ARIGHT This sentiment may be THAN TO CARRY RICHES. State among themselves; but meanwhile they were not States, and Kung-ch'o, as their láo, or chief officer, could have managed their affairs. Tăng and Hsieh were small States, whose great officers would have to look after their relations with greater States, to which function Kung-ch'o's abilities were not equal. 12. THE CAPACITY OF MANG KUNG-CH'O. Kung13. OF THE COMPLETE MAN:A CONVERSATION WITH TSZE-LÛ. ch'o was the head of the Mäng, or Chung-sun 1. Tsang Wû-chung had been family, and, according to the "Historical Re- an officer of Lû in the reign anterior to that cords,' was regarded by Confucius more than in which Confucius was born. So great was his any other great man of the times in Lû. His reputation for wisdom that the people gave him controverted. Compare I. xv. estimate of him, however, as appears here, was the title of a 聖人, or ‘sage.’Wù was his 其厭不者不賈 取 人忘利 厭過 取日子矣。平 子笑其也乎。信 信問 日義言夫公評, 其然樂子明夫叔 然後然時賈 豈取後然對不 忘平生之言亦可以爲成 利思義見危授命久要不 war view of gain thinks of righteousness; who in the view of danger is prepared to give up his life; and who does not forget an old agreement however far back it extends :-such a man may be reckoned a COMPLETE man.' CHAP. XIV. 1. The Master asked Kung-ming Chiâ about Kungshû Wăn, saying, ‘Is it true that your master speaks not, laughs not, and takes not? 2. Kung-ming Chiâ replied, 'This has arisen from the reporters going beyond the truth.-My master speaks when it is the time to speak, and so men do not get tired of his speaking. He laughs when there is occasion to be joyful, and so men do not get tired of his laughing. He takes when it is consistent with righteousness to do so, and so men do not get tired of his taking.' The Master said, 'So! But is it so with him ?’ honorary epithet, and 仲 denotes his family | able. 2. The 日 is to be understood of Con place, among his brothers. Chwang, it is said fucius, though some suppose that Tsze-lû is the by Chû Hsi, after Chau (周), one of the oldest speaker. 要,Isttone, =約 ‘an agreement,' commentators, whose surname only has come down to us, was 十邑大夫,‘great officer of the city of Pien.' According to the 'Great Collection of Surnames,' a secondary branch of a ‘a covenant;' a long agreement, he does not forget the words of his whole life. The mean ing is what appears in the translation. 14. THE CHARACTER OF KUNG-SHô WĂN, WHO WAS SAID NEITHER TO SPEAK, NOR LAUGH, NOR I. Wǎn was the honorary epithet of the family of the State of Ts'ao(曹having settled TAKE. in Lû, and being gifted with Pien, its members individual in question, by name Chih (枝), Chwang and of Wû-chung, see the 集證 or, as some say, Fa (發), an officer of the State took their surname thence. For the history of of Wei. He was descended from the duke in Loe. 亦可云云,一 implies that and was himself the founder of the Kung-shù Zoc. there was a higher style of man still, to whom family, being so designated, I suppose, because the epithet complete would be more fully applic- of his relation to the reigning duke. Of Kung. CHAP. XV. The Master said, 'Tsang Wu-chung, keeping possession of Fang, asked of the duke of Lû to appoint a successor to him in his family. Although it may be said that he was not using force with his sovereign, I believe he was.' CHAP.XVI. The Master said, 'The duke Wăn of Tsin was crafty and not upright. The duke Hwan of Ch'i was upright and not crafty.’ CHAP. XVII. I. Tsze-lû said, 'The duke Hwan caused his brother Chit to be killed, when Shâo Hû died with his master, but Kwan Chung did not die. May not I say that he was wanting in virtue?’ ming Chiâ nothing seems to be known; he Wan were the two first of the five leaders of would seem from this chapter to have been a the princes of the empire, who play an impor disciple of Kung-shû Wăn. 2. 其然,一with tant part in Chinese history, during the period reference to Chia's account of Kung-shû Wän. of the Châu dynasty known as the Ch'un Ch'iû 豈其然乎 intimates Confucius's opinion (春秋). Hwan ruled in Ch'i, B. c. 681-643, that Chia was himself going beyond the truth. and Wăn in Tsin, B. c. 636-628. Of duke Hwan, see the next chapter. The attributes mentioned 15. CONDEMNATION OF TSANG Wô-CHUNG FOR FORCING A FAVOUR FROM HIS PRINCE. Wû-chung (see chap. xiii) was obliged to fly from Lû, by the animosity of the Măng family, and took by Confucius are not to be taken absolutely, but as respectively predominating in the two chiefs. 17. THE MERIT OF KWAN CHUNG:-A CONVER· refuge in Chû (邾). As the head of the Tsang | sATION WITH TSZB-L0. family, it devolved on him to offer the sacrifices in the ancestral temple, and he wished one of his half-brothers to be made the Head of the family, in his room, that those might not be duke's son Ch'iû,' but, to avoid the awkwardness of that rendering, I say‘his brother.’ Hwan (the honorary epithet; his name was neglected. To strengthen the application for 小白) and Ch'iû had both been refugees in this, which he contrived to get made, he re- different States, the latter having been carried turned himself to the city of Fang, which belonged to his family, and thence sent a message to the court, which was tantamount to a threat, that if the application were not granted, he would hold possession of the place. This was into Lû, away from the troubles and dangers of Ch'i, by the ministers, Kwan Chung and Shao Hû. On the death of the prince of Ch'i, Hwan anticipated Ch'iû, got to Ch'î, and took possession of the State. Soon after, he required the duke of Lû to put his brother to death, and what Confucius condemned, the in a to deliver up the two ministers, when Shão matter which should have been left to the duke's grace. See all the circumstances in the (召here=邵) Hù chose to dash his brains 左傳·襄公二十三年要 in out, and die with his master, while Kwan Ist tone, as in chap. xiii, but with a different meaning, =勒, to force to do.. 16. THE DIFFERENT CHARACTERS OF THE DUKEs Chung returned gladly to Ch'i, took service with Hwan, became his prime minister, and made him supreme arbiter among the various chiefs of the empire. Such conduct was con WĂN OF TSIN AND HWAN or Cri. Hwan and demned by Tsze-lû. 死之 is a peculiar ex ̇仲民桓死與之合 合日 諸未 不平 日子 仲仁 其管 二節 若匹夫匹婦之爲諒也 矣微天 也豈管下相能者仁,但 6 2. The Master said, The duke Hwan assembled all the princes together, and that not with weapons of war and chariots :-it was all through the influence of Kwan Chung. Whose beneficence was like his? Whose beneficence was like his ?’ CHAP. XVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said, 'Kwan Chung, I apprehend, was wanting in virtue. When the duke Hwan caused his brother Chiu to be killed, Kwan Chung was not able to die with him. Moreover, he became prime minister to Hwan.' 2. The Master said, 'Kwan Chung acted as prime minister to the duke Hwan, made him leader of all the princes, and united and rectified the whole kingdom. Down to the present day, the people enjoy the gifts which he conferred. But for Kwan Chung, we should now be wearing our hair unbound, and the lappets of our coats buttoning on the left side. 3. 'Will you require from him the small fidelity of common 匡正‘to rectify, re pression=爲子糾而死 2. Confucius|mier to Hwan. defends Kwan Chung, on the ground of the duce to order.' 2. blends with its own verbal force, = to unite.’微=無‘not,''if not.’被(the 4th tone) 髮 ,-see the Li Chi, III. iii. 14, where this is mentioned as a charac teristic of the eastern barbarians. 左衽 disciple.九, Ist tone, explained in the dic. tionary by 聚, synonymous with 合, though the 註疏 makes out more than nine assemsee the Shû-ching, V. xxiv. 13. A note in the blages of princes under the presidency of duke says, that anciently the right was the Hwan. 如其仁-誰如其仁者,sition of honour, and the right hand, more as in the translation. over, is the more convenient for use, but the 18. THE MERIT OF KWAN CHUNG :-A CONVER- practice of the barbarians was contrary to that SATION WITH TSZE-KUNG. I. Tsze-lû's doubts of China in both points. The sentiment of about Kwan Chung arose from his not dying Confucius is, that but for Kwan Chung, his with the prince Chiû; Tsze-kung's turned countrymen would have sunk to the state of principally on his subsequently becoming pre-| the rude tribes about them. 3. 匹夫匹 |