was about the removal of the inhabitants of New-Town, consisting of such as came along with Mr. Hooker, and several other persons of quality, who also had no small dependence on his ministry, and abilities. They had leave the former court, to seek out some place for enlargement or removal, with promise of having it confirmed to them, if it were not prejudicial to some other plantation. And now, having viewed several other places about the sea coast without satisfaction, they petitioned they might have leave to remove to Connecticut. This matter was debated divers days, and many reasons alleged pro and con. The principal and procatarctical was want of accommodation where they were: they nei ther being able to maintain themselves, nor yet to receive any more of their friends, together with the fruitfulness and commodiousness of the country about Connecticut, with the danger of having it possessed by oth ers, whether Dutch, or of their own nation. But that which was the causa on, or impulsive cause, (as wise men deemed,) and themselves did not altogether conceal, was the strong bent of their spirits to remove out of the place where they were. Two such eminent stars, such as were Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, both of the first magnitude, though of differing influence, could not well continue in one and the same orb. Against these it was said, 1. That in point of conscience they ought not to depart from their friends, being knit together in one body, and bound by oath to seek the welfare of the whole. 2. That in point of civil policy, they ought not to give them leave to depart: 1. Because that they were, though altogether, yet weak, and in danger to be assailed. 2. That the departure of Mr. Hooker would not only draw away many from them, but also divert many friends, that might be willing to come unto them. 3. That themselves that removed might be exposed to evident peril, both from the Dutch, (who laid claim to the same river, and had already built a fort there,) and from the Indians, and also from the state of England, who would not endure they should sit down without a patent, in any place which the King lays claim unto. 4. They might be accommodated where they were, by enlarge

ment from other towns, or by removal to some place within the Massachusetts, as about Merrimack river, &c. 5. It would be as the removing of a candlestick, which they looked upon as a great judgment, which ought to be avoided.

The court being divided upon these and other arguments, it was put to the vote; where amongst the deputies were found fifteen for their departure, (possibly such as hoped to have a part with them on the other side their Jordan,) and six against it. Amongst the magistrates, the governour with two assistants were for it, but the deputy, (Mr. Winthrop,) and all the rest were against it. The secretary was neuter, and gave no vote. So as there was no record entered, because there were not six assistants, (as the patent required.) Upon this there grew a great difference between the court of magistrates and the deputies, who would not yield to the other, viz. the assistants, a negative voice. On the other hand, the deputy governour and the rest of the assistants, with the governour, (considering how dangerous it might be to the civil state of the place, if they should not keep that strength to balance the greater number of the deputies,) thought it safe to stand upon it. So when they could proceed no further, the court agreed to keep a day of humiliation to seek the Lord, which accordingly was done in all the congregations of the country, on the 18th of the instant September; and on the 24th of the same, the court met again. Before they began, Mr. Cotton preached, being desired by the whole court, (though it was kept at Mr. Hooker's town, upon his instant excuse of his unfitness for the occasion.) He took his text out of Hag. ii. 4. "Yet now be strong, O Zerubbabel, saith the Lord; and be strong, O Joshua, the son of Josedech, the high priest; and be strong, all ye people of the land, saith the Lord, and work: for I am with you, saith the Lord of Hosts." Out of which he laid down the nature, or strength, (as he termed it,) of the magistracy, ministry, and people: viz. the strength of the magistracy to be their authority, of the people to be their liberty, and of the ministry to be their purity, and shewed how all these had a negative voice, and that yet the ultimate resolu

tion, &c. ought to be in the whole body of the people; with an answer to all objections, and a declaration of the people's duty, and right to maintain their true liberty against any unjust violence, which gave great satisfaction to the company. And it pleased God so to assist him, and bless his own ordinance, that the affairs of the court went on cheerfully. Although all were not satisfied about the negative voice to be left to the magistrates, yet no man at that time moved aught further about it. And the congregation of New-Town came and accepted freely of such enlargement as had freely been offered to them from Boston and Watertown; and so the fear of their removal to Connecticut was (at least for the present) removed. Mr. Cotton had such an insinuating and melting way in his preaching, that he would usually carry his very adversary captive after the triumphant chariot of his rhetorick, and, as Solomon saith, the soft tongue breaketh the bone, which eminently appeared in this assembly, in that some men of place and gravity, having, in heat of argument, used unseemly expressions to some in power, and being reproved for the same in open court, did gravely and humbly acknowledge their fault.

The question about the negative voice being on this occasion first started, and for a time respited and laid asleep, we shall find afterwards awakened again, and as stifly and earnestly bandied to and again, but not so easily charmed upon its after alaruming, till at last this matter came to be debated with the elders and deputies to further satisfaction, 1643.

The inhabitants of New-Town were, on the forementioned occasion, brought to a little moderation as to their present purpose of removing to Connecticut, but were soon after more restless in their desires, than ever before; and could not be satisfied, till they had at last accomplished their design. Though some accidents intervened, that might just have given a supersedeas to their intentions, till a more convenient season; for about this time or soon after, news was brought down to Boston of the treacherousness of the Indians in those parts, (which those of Connecticut soon after found to their sore af

fliction.) The Pequod Indians, situate near the mouth of the said river, having barbarously slain Capt. Stone and his company, as he made up the river to trade with them, and being at the same time at war with their neighbours of Narraganset, cunningly sent their messengers to the Massachusetts to desire their friendship, promising not only to deliver up any of the murtherers that could be found, (alleging, that those who committed the said murther, were either killed by the Dutch or dead of the small pox, only for a pretext,) but also to yield up Connecticut, at least their interest in it, to the English, and to give them much beaver, and four hundred fathom of Peag, (a considerable sum of their money,) to confirm their friendship with the English, proffering also free liberty of trade with them.

The Narraganset Indians hearing thereof, sent three hundred of their men to waylay those messengers of the Pequods, as they were to return home, and came within a few miles of Boston for that end, so as they were hardly persuaded by the governour and council, then met at Boston, to forbear meddling with them. But all this was but in policy of the Pequods to gain time to defend themselves, or at least not to be engaged with too many enemies at the same time. For though they were treated with all manner of courtesy, and respect by the English, and an agreement of peace made and signed by their embassadours, yet did they as barbarously the next year, or not long after, murder John Oldham and his company, as he went securely amongst them for trade, as is more at large declared in another place, and about the time when Connecticut began first to be planted by the English in the years 1636 and 1637. They made open war with all the English, which tended much to the prejudice of those who in the following year, 1635, did with irresistible resolution set upon the former design of removing to Connecticut; their own necessities at home, and the great fame of the place from abroad prompting thereunto, so as no discouragements did appear, but were easily superable by men so inspired. For at the first General Court that happened in the year 1635, several

of Watertown and Roxbury obtained leave to remove whither they would, so as they continued under this government; but Connecticut was their aim. The occasion of their desire, as well as of the others, was for that all the towns in the Bay began to be much straitened by their own nearness one to another, and their cattle being so much increased, together with the addition of many families, which every year came in great abundance flocking over thither. While the matter was thus in debate in the General Court, some of Watertown took the opportunity of seizing a brave piece of meadow, aimed at by those of New-Town, which, as was reported, proved a bone of contention between them, and had no small influence into the trouble that afterward happened in the Watertown plantation, called Weathersfield, as shall be more particularly declared afterwards, when the affairs of Connecticut colony are to be spoken to.

In June the same year, 1635, there arrived two Dutch ships, which brought divers Flanders mares, heifers, and sheep. They came from the Texel in five weeks and three days, and lost not one beast. The same day came in Mr. Graves in a ship of three hundred tons, in the like space of time, with many passengers and much cattle he had come every year, for seven years before. Within four days after came in seven other ships, and one to Salem, and four more soon after, on the like account. Besides these, four or five other great ships came that year, that arrived not till after September; in some of which came many passengers, some of note, as Mr. Henry Vane and others. Mr. Harlakenden with Mr. Shepard, and many of his friends and hearers, came that year: also Mr. Winthrop, jun. who, with Mr. H. Vane, had some power from the Lord Say and the Lord Brook, to begin a plantation at Connecticut, who rather out of necessity than choice, (the most desirable places being taken up before hand,) settled their plantation at the mouth of the said river. Mr. John Winthrop brought with him a commission from the said lords, with divers other great persons in England, to be governour there. They sent also men and ammunition, with 20007. in money, to be