3 in Book VII, all with Choo uncertain,-the Ch‘uh k'e tung mun, the Yay yew man tsaou, and the Tsin wei; 2 in Book X., the date assigned to the former of which is admitted by Choo, the Woo e, and the Yew te che too. [xvi.] Of the time of king Hwuy. Twelve pieces, all in Part I., viz.— 5 in Book IV., all admitted by Chon,-the Ting che fang chung, the Te tung, the Seang shoo, the Kan maou, and the Tsae ch'e; 1 in Book V., with Choo uncertain,-the Muh kwa; 1 in Book VII., admitted by Choo, the Tsing jin; 2 in Book X., with Choo uncertain,— the Koh săng and the Ts'ae ling; 2 in Book XII., with Choo uncertain, the Fang yew ts'eoh ch'aou, and the Yueh ch'uh; and 1 in Book XIV., also with Choo uncertain,-the Fow yew. [xvii.] Of the time of king Seang.... In all thirteen pieces, of which 9 are in Part I., viz.— 1 in Book V., admitted by Choo,-the Ho kwang; 5 in Book XI., of which Choo admits only the first and fourth, the Hwang neaou, the Shin-fung, the Woo e, the Wei yang, and the Keuen yu; 3 in Book XIV., of which Choo accepts only the first,-the How-jin, the She-kew, and the Hea ts'euen. In Part IV., the 4 pieces of Book II., in the occasion assigned for the first and last of which Choo agrees,-the Keung, the Yew peih, the Pwan-shwuy, aud the Pei kung. [xviii.] Of the time of king Ting...... Two pieces in Part I., viz. the Choo lin, admitted by Choo, and the Tsih p'o in Book XII. The K'ang-he editors say :— 'The dates of the composition of the odes it was found difficult to examine thoroughly after the fires of Ts'in, and so we find them variously assigned by the writers of the Han, T'ang, and other dynasties. 'But the old Preface made its appearance along with the text of the Poems, and Maou, Ching, and K'ung Ying-tah maintained and defended the dates assigned in it, to which there belongs what authority may be derived from its antiquity. 'When Choo He took the She in hand, the text of the poems was considered by him to afford the only evidence of their occasion and date, and where there was nothing decisive in it, and no evidence afforded by other classical Books, he pronounced these points uncertain ;-thus deciding according to the exercise of his own reason on the several pieces. 'Gow-yang Sew followed the introductory notices of Ching, but disputed and reasoned on the subject at the same time. Heu K'een, and Lew Kin followed the authority of Choo, now and then slightly differing from him. 'In the Ming dynasty appeared the "Old meanings of the text of the She," chronologically arranged by Ho K'eae, adducing abundance of testimonies, but with many erroneous views. We have in this Work collected the old assignments of the Preface, supported by Maou, Ch'ing, and K'ung, and given due place to the decisions of Choo. The opinions of others we have preserved, but have not entered on any discussion of them.' APPENDIX III. SPECIMENS OF HAN YING'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE SHE. 1. When Tsăng-tsze held office in Ken, he received [only] three ping of grain. At that time [any amount of] salary was of importance to him, and he thought but little of himself. After his parents were dead, Ts'e would have met him and made him its chief minister, and Ts'oo and Tsin would have given him their highest honours, [but he declined their proffers]. At that time he wished to maintain the dignity of his person, and cared but little for salary. With him who keeps his precious jewel in his bosom, and allows his State to be led astray, we cannot speak of benevolence. With him who is in distress himself, and allows his parents also to be in straits, we cannot speak of filial duty. He who has to travel far under a heavy load rests without careful selection of the place; and he whose family is poor, and whose parents are old, accepts service without selecting his office. Therefore a superior man may hurry forward, when an opportunity presents, in a short garment of haircloth, under the urgency of necessity. I have said that, when one takes office without meeting with the proper time for it, he will discharge its duties, while pressed in his mind by his own anxieties, and will fulfil any commission, though his counsels are not followed;—all and simply because of poverty. The ode (I. ii. XI. 1) says:— (Day and night are we about the prince's [business]; Our lot is not like theirs.' 2. The lady in the Hing loo was engaged to be married, but she had not yet gone [from her parents' house]. While she saw a single thing incomplete, a single rule of propriety uncomplied with, she would maintain her purity and the chastity of principle, and would rather die than go [to the gentleman's house]. The superior man considered that she possesed the right view of woman's duty, and therefore he exhibited her case and handed it down, and set forth her praise in song to prevent [men] from urging requirements contrary to right, and [women]from walking in the way of defilement. The ode (I. ii. VI. 3) says: Though you have forced me to trial, Still I will not follow you.. 1. 會子仕於莒得粟三秉方是之時會子重其 輕其身親沒之後齊迎以相楚迎以合 卿方是之 會子重其身而輕其祿懷其 國者不可與語仁其身,而 親者不 遠者不擇地而息家 貧親老 不擇 而任事 而上其孝仕事夜 不道道 其慮為之使而不入其謀貧焉故也 詩日夙夜 命 不同 傳日 之人許嫁矣然而未往也見一物不 守節真理守死不 君子以為得婦 傳之易而歌之以絶無道之求防汙 速我訟亦不爾行 3. Want of virtue proceeding to the neglecting of one's parents; want of loyalty proceeding to rebellion against one's rulers; want of truthfulness proceeding to the deceiving of one's friends :-these three extreme cases are visited by sage kings with death, and there is no forgiveness for them. The ode (I. iv. VIII. 1) says: 'If a man have no proper demeanour, 4. King invaded Chin, the west gate of whose capital was injured. The conquerors employed some of the people who had surrendered to repair it, and Confucius passed by, [while they were engaged in the work], without bowing forward to the cross-bar of his carriage. Tsze.kung, who was holding the reins, said,‘The rules require that, when you pass three men, you should descend, and to two men you should bow forward to the cross-bar of the carriage. Here there is a multitude at work repairing the gate;how is it that you, Sir, did not bow forward to them ?” Confucius replied, 'When one's State is perishing, not to know the danger shows a want of wisdom. To know the danger and not to struggle for the State shows a want of loyalty. To allow it to perish without dying for it shows a want of valour. Numerous as the repairers of the gate are, they could not display one of these virtues, and therefore I did not bow to them.' The ode (I. iii. I. 4) says:— My anxious heart is full of trouble, And I am hated by the crowd of mean creatures.' A multitude of mean men are not worth showing politeness to! 5. King Chwang of Ts'oo returning late one day from his morning audience of his ministers, Fan Ke descended from the hall to meet him, and said, 'How late you are! Do you not feel hungry and tired ?" The king replied, To-day I was listening to words of loyalty and worth, and did not think about being hungry or tired.' Fan Ke said, Who was this man of loyalty and worth whom you speak of? A visitor from one of the States ? Or an officer of the Middle State?’‘It was my chief minister Shin,' said the king; upon which the lady put her hand upon her mouth and smiled. What are you smiling at?’asked the king; and she replied, ‘It has been my privilege to wait on your majesty when bathing and washing your head, 3. 傅日不仁之 忽其親不忠之至倍其君不信之 至欺其友此三者当 聖王之所殺而不赦也詩曰人而 無儀,不死何為 4. 荆伐陳陳西門壊因其降民使脩之孔子過而不式 子貢執轡而問日禮過三人則下二人則式今陳之 衆矣夫子不為式何也孔子曰國亡而弗知不 智也, 而不爭非忠也亡而不死非勇也脩門者 衆不 行一於此吾故式也詩曰憂心悄悄慍 羣小小人成羣何足禮 5. 楚莊王聽朝罷樊姬下堂而迎之日何罷 也得無饑倦乎莊王日今日聽忠賢之言不知饑 饑倦也, 樊姬日王之所謂忠賢者諸侯之客中國之士歟莊 王日則沈尹也樊姬掩口而笑王日姬之所笑何 |