To the above might be added the Ethiopians, leader in their warlike enterprises. He, oband those Egyptians named Hermotybians and serving that his friendship was of importance Calasirians,' who alone of that country follow to the Spartans, endeavoured to make the most the profession of arms. These had formerly of it; he told them, that if they would admit served on board the fleet, whence they had him to all the privileges of a citizen of Sparta, been removed to the land forces by Mardonius they might expect his services, otherwise not. when at Phalerum: the Egyptians had not The Spartans were at first incensed, and for a been reckoned with those forces which Xerxes time neglected him: but when the terror of the led against Athens. We have before remarked Persian army was impending, they acceded to that the Barbarian army consisted of three his terms. Tisamenus seeing them thus changhundred thousand men; the number of the ed, increased his demand, and insisted upon Greek confederates of Mardonius, as it was their making his brother Hegies also a citizen never taken, cannot be ascertained; as far as of Sparta. conjecture may determine, they amounted to fifty thousand. Such was the arrangement of the infantry; the cavalry were posted apart by themselves. 2 XXXIV. In this conduct he seems to have imitated the example of Melampus, excepting that the one claimed a throne, the other the rights of a citizen. Melampus was invited from Pylos by the Argives, for a certain proposed compensation, to remove a kind of madness which prevailed among their women. The Argives, on his requiring half of their kingdom,3 disdained and left him but as the disease continued to spread still farther among their females, they returned to him, accepting his terms: he observing this change, extended his views, refusing to accomplish what they desired, unless they would also give a third part XXXIII. Both armies being thus ranged in nations and squadrons, on the following day offered sacrifices. The diviner on the part of the Greeks was Tisamenus, the son of Antiochus, who had accompanied the Grecian army in this character. He was an Elean of the race of Jamidæ, and of the family of Clytiada, but had been admitted to the rights of a Lacedæmonian citizen. Having consulted the oracle at Delphi concerning his offspring, the Pythian informed him, he should be victorious in five remarkable contests. Tis4 Increased his demand.]—The story of the Sibyline amenus not understanding this, applied him-books will here occur to the reader. A woman came to self to gymnastic exercises, presuming it was here he was to expect renown and victory: becoming, therefore, a competitor in the Pentathlon, he carried off all the prizes, except that of wrestling, in which he was foiled by Hieronymus, an Andrian. The Lacedæmonians, however, applying the oracular declaration to Tisamenus not to gymnastic but military contests, endeavoured to prevail on him by money to accompany their kings, the Heraclidæ, as a 2 Jamida.]-The families of the Jamida, Clytiadæ, and Telliadæ, seem to have been all soothsayers, with some specific distinction. Cicero, in his book de Divinat. makes a difference betwixt the Jamidæ and the Clytiada. Larcher thinks the text of Herodotus is in this place corrupt. Of Jamus, the founder of this family, it may farther be remarked, that his mother being secretly delivered of him, concealed him among the rushes and violets, from whence he had the name of Jamus, Iov, Ion, signifying a violet. This is Larcher's account, who refers the reader to Pindar, Olymp. vi. ver. 90.—It nevertheless seems very far-fetched.-T. 3 Except that of wrestling.]-See Pausanias, 1. iii. c. xi. where the same thing is said of this personage. Tarquin with nine books of the oracles of the Sibyls, which she offered to sell: the king hesitating about the then came and asked the same price for the remaining price, she went away and burned three of them, and six; Tarquin again refused to accede to her demand; she accordingly went away, and burned three more, and returning, still asked the same price.--The augurs advised the king to pay her, and preserve the books as sacred, which was done.-T. 5 Half of their kingdom.]—These men sometimes sold their knowledge at a very high price. There were diviners and soothsayers in all parts of Greece; but Elis of the Peloponnese was particularly reinark able for two families, the Jamida and the Clytiada, divination from father to son.-See Cicero de Divinat who for many generations transmitted the art of 1. i. c. 41.-T. Melampus is thus mentioned in the Odyssey: A wretch ran breathless to the shore, to his brother Bias: the Argives, compelled by | the half of his foot, but could not find the man. necessity, granted this also. In this manner Hegesistratus escaped to Tegea, which was not at that period in amity with Sparta. When his wound was healed he procured himself a wooden foot, and became an avowed enemy of Sparta. His animosity, however, against the Lacedæmonians proved ultimately of no advantage to himself, he was taken in the exercise of his office at Zacynthus, and put to death. XXXV. In like manner the Spartans, from their want of the assistance of Tisamenus, granted all that he desired. He, from being an Elian, thus became a Spartan, and assisting them as a diviner, they obtained five remarkable victories. The Spartans never admitted but these two strangers into the number of their citizens. The five victories were these: the first was this of Platea; the second was the battle of Tegea, won by the Spartans against the Tegeata and the Argives; the third at Dipæa, against all the Arcadians, except the Mantineaus; the fourth was over the Messenians at the isthmus; the last at Tanagra, against the Athenians and Argives, which completed the predicted number. XXXVI. This Tisamenus officiated as the augur of the Greeks at Platea, to which place he had accompanied the Spartans. The sacrifices promised victory to the Greeks if they acted on the defensive, but the contrary, if passing the Asopus, they began the fight. XXXVII. Mardonius, though anxious to engage, had nothing to hope from the entrails, unless he acted on the defensive only. He had also sacrificed according to the Grecian rites, using as his soothsayer, Hegesistratus an Elean, and the most illustrious of the Telliadæ. The Spartans had formerly seized this man, thrown him into prison, and menaced him with death, as one from whom they had received many and atrocious injuries. In this distress, alarmed not merely for his life, but with the idea of having previously to suffer many severities, he accomplished a thing which can hardly be told. He was confined in some stocks bound with iron, but accidentally obtaining a knife, he perpetrated the boldest thing which has ever been recorded. Calculating what part of the remainder he should be able to draw out, he cut of the extremity of his foot; this done, notwithstanding he was guarded, he dug a hole under the wall, and escaped to Tegea, travelling only by night, and concealing himself in the woods during the day. Eluding the strictest search of the Lacedæmonians, he came on the third night to Tegea, his keepers being astonished at his resolution, for they saw 6 Tanagra.]—Thucydides, in his account of this battle agrees with Herodotus, and says that the Lacedæmon ians were victorious: Diodorus Siculus, on the contrary, represents it as doubtful.-Larcher. XXXVIII. The fate of Hegesistratus was subsequent to the battle of Platea; but at the time of which we were speaking, Mardonius, for a considerable sum, had prevailed with him to sacrifice, which he eagerly did, as well from his hatred of the Lacedæmonians, as from the desire of reward; but the appearance of the entrails gave no encouragement to fight, either to the Persians or their confederate Greeks, who also had their own appropriate soothsayer, Hippomachus of Leucadia. army continually increased, Timogenides of Thebes, son of Herpys, advised Mardonius to guard the pass of Citharon, representing that he might thus intercept great bodies, who were every day thronging to the allied army of the Greeks. As the Grecian XXXIX. The hostile armies had already remained eight days encamped opposite to each other, when the above counsel was given to Mardonius. He acknowledged its propriety, and immediately on the approach of night, detached some cavalry to that part of Cith eren, leading to Platea, a place called by the Bootians the "Three Heads," by the Athenians the " Heads of Oak." This measure had its effect, and they took a convoy of five hundred beasts of burden, carrying a supply of provisions from the Peloponnese to the army: with the carriages, they took also all the men who conducted them. Masters of this booty, the Persians, with the most unrelenting barbarity, put both men and beasts to death: when their cruelty was satiated, they returned with what they had taken to Mardonius. XL. After this event two days more passed, neither army being willing to engage. The Barbarians, to irritate the Greeks, advanced as far as the Asopus, but neither army would pass the stream. The cavalry of Mardonius greatly and constantly harassed the Greeks. The Thebans, who were very zealous in their attachment to the Medes, prosecuted the war with ardour, and did every thing but join battle; the Persians and Medes supported them, and per- | and in consequence be destroyed. Being aware formed many illustrious actions. XLI. In this situation things remained for the space of ten days on the eleventh, the armies retaining the same position with respect to each other, and the Greeks having received considerable reinforcements, Mardonius became disgusted with their inactivity. He accordingly held a conference with Artabazus, the son of Pharnaces, who was one of the few Persians whom Xerxes honoured with his esteem; it was the opinion of Artabazus that they should immediately break up their camp, and withdraw beneath the walls of Thebes, where was already prepared a magazine of provisions for themselves, and corn for their cavalry; here they might at their leisure terminate the war by the following measures. They had in their possession a great quantity of coined and uncoined gold, with an abundance of silver and plate it was recommended to send these with no sparing hand to the Greeks, and particularly to those of greatest authority in their respective cities. It was urged that if this were done, the Greeks would soon surrender their liberties, nor again risk the hazard of a battle. This opinion was seconded by the Thebans, who thought that it would operate successfully. Mardonius was of a contrary opinion, fierce, obstinate, and unyielding. His own army he thought superior to that of the Greeks, and that they should by all means fight before the Greeks received farther supplies that they should give no importance to the declarations of Hegesistratus, but without violating the laws of Persia, commence a battle in their usual manner. : of this, we will not approach that temple, nor make any attempt to plunder it, and thus shall avoid the ruin which has been menaced: let then all those among you, who wish well to Persia, rejoice in the conviction that we shall vanquish the Greeks." Having said this, he ordered that every thing should be properly disposed to commence the attack early in the morning. XLIII. The oracle which Mardonius applied to the Persians referred, as I well know, not to them but to the Illyrians and Encheleans. Upon the event of this battle, this oracle had been communicated from Bacis: "Thermodon's and Asopus' banks along, The Greeks in fight against Barbarians throng; What numbers then shall press the ensanguined field What slaughter'd Medes their vital breath shall yield These words, and others of Musæus like them, doubtless related to the Persians. The Thermodon flows betwixt Tanagra and Glisas.3 XLIV. After Mardonius had thus spoken concerning the oracles, and endeavoured to animate his troops, the watches of the night were set. When the night was far advanced, and the strictest silence prevailed through the army, which was buried in sleep, Alexander, son of Amyntas, general and prince of the Macedonians, rode up to the Athenian outposts, and earnestly desired to speak with their commanders. On hearing this, the greater number continued on their posts, while some hastened to their officers, whom they informed that a horseman was arrived from the enemy's army, who, naming the principal Greeks, would say nothing more than that be desired to speak with them. XLV. The commanders lost no time in XLII. This opinion of Mardonius nobody thought proper to oppose, for to him, and not to Artabazus, the king had confided the 1 Illyrians and Encheleans.]-Pansanias, who de supreme command of the army. He there- scribes with so much exactness the antiquities of Greece, fore assembled the principal officers of the does not (in Phocis) say any thing either of the plunder Persians and confederate Greeks, and asked of the temple of Delphi, or of the calamities of the people concerned in it. Appian says, that the Antanians, whe them, whether they knew of any oracle predict-were an Illyrian nation, plundered this temple, and were ing that the Persians should be overthrown by destroyed by a pestilence. Something more to the parthe Greeks. No one ventured to reply, pose is found in Euripides: Bacchus discovers to Cadmus an oracle of Jupiter, which predicted to him, that partly because they were ignorant of any when he should retire amongst the Illyrians and Enche. such oracle, and partly because they were fear-leans, he should reign over these people, and they should ful of delivering their real sentiments. Mar- destroy a vast number of cities; but that, after having donius, therefore, thus addressed them: «As plundered the temple of Delphi, they shonid have sa unfortunate return. If we had the oracle itself, we either you know no such oracle, or dare not say might see in what manner Mardonius applied it to the what you think, I will tell you my opinion, Persians.-Larcher. which I conceive to be well founded: an oracle has said, that the Persians, on their entering Greece, shall plunder the temple of Delphi, 2 Glisas.]-This place is indifferently written Glisas and Glissas, and was anciently famous for its wine-I. 3 The commanders.]-Plutarch, who mentions this interview, speaks only of Aristides. "A man on bone repairing to the advanced guard, where, on their | dressed them thus in reply: "As a battle is to arrival, they were thus addressed by Alexander: take place in the morning, I think it advisable “I am come, O Athenians, to inform you of that you, Athenians, should front the Persians, a secret, which you must impart to Pausanias and we those Boeotians and Greeks who are only, lest my ruin ensue. Nor would I speak now posted opposite to you. You have before now, were not I anxious for the safety of Greece. contended with the Medes, and know their I from remote antiquity am of Grecian origin, mode of fighting by experience at Marathon ; and I would not willingly see you exchange we have never had this opportunity; but we freedom for servitude; I have therefore to in- have before fought the Boeotians and Thessaform you, that if Mardonius and his army could lians: take therefore your arms, and let us exhave drawn favourable omens from their victims, change situations." "From the first," ana battle would long since have taken place: in- swered the Athenians, "when we observed the tending to pay no farther attention to these, it is Persians opposed to you, we wished to make his determination to attack you early in the morn- the proposal we now hear from you; we have ing, being afraid, as I suppose, that your forces only been deterred by our fear of offending you : will be yet more numerous. Be therefore on your as the overture comes from you, we are ready guard; but if he still defer his purpose of an to comply with it." engagement, do you remain where you are, for he has provisions but for a few days more. If the event of this war should be agreeable to your wishes, it will become you to make some efforts to restore my independence, who on account of my partiality to the Greeks, have exposed myself to so much danger in thus acquainting you with the intention of Mardonius, to prevent the Barbarians attacking you by surprise. I am Alexanders of Macedon." When he had thus spoken, he returned to his station in the Persian camp. XLVI. The Athenian chiefs went to the right wing, and informed Pausanias of what they had learned from Alexander. Pausanias, who stood in much awe of the Persians, ad back," says he, "approached silently the Grecian camp, and addressing himself to the sentinels, desired to speak with Aristides, who came immediately."-Larcher. 4 To Pausanias only.]—This account is more probable than that given by Plutarch, who makes Alexander say to Aristides, that he must not communicate the secret to any one.-Larcher. 5 I am Alexander.]— Aristides hastes- To whom the stranger:-bulwark of this camp, By each diviner, to assail your host I who thus hazard both my realm and life, Athenaid. 6 In much awe.]-Commenting on this passage, Wesseling asks, if Pausanias had forgotten the noble defence of the three hundred Spartans at the straits of Thermopyla? and if their glorious deaths had rendered the Persians more terrible? To this Larcher replies, in a manner not entirely satisfactory: he observes that the Spartans on that occasion being all slain, there was not one XLVII. This being agreeable to both, as soon as the morning dawned they changed situations; this the Boeotians observed, and communicated to Mardonius. The Persian general immediately exerted himself to oppose the Lacedæmonians with his troops. Pausanias, on seeing his scheme thus detected, again removed the Spartans to the right wing, as did Mardonius instantly his Persians to the left. XLVIII. When the troops had thus resumed their former post, Mardonius sent a herald with this message to the Spartans : "Your character, O Lacedæmonians, is highly celebrated amongst all these nations, as men who disdain to fly ; who never desert your ranks, determined either to slay your enemies or die. -Nothing of this is true: we perceive you in in the army of Pausanias who had been engaged against the Persians, and who was acquainted with their mode of fighting. It seems very singular that M. Larcher should not remember, that there was a man in the army of Pausanias who had fought with the Persians, escaped the great destruction of his countrymen, and consequently could have informed his fellow soldiers in what manner the Persians fought. See chapter lxx. of this book, in which we are told, that Aristodemus, who escaped from Thermopylaæ, most distinguished himself at Platea, in order to retrieve his reputation. We find also, that Leonidas had sustain. ed many battles with the flower of the Persian army, aided by his Grecian allies, before he devoted himself and his three hundred to death, dismissing all the rest of his army. But after all, the most serious objection to this passage of Herodotus is, that it evidently militates with the received opinions of the discipline of Sparta, and the patient fortitude which was the characteristic feature of that singular people.-T. 7 Make the proposal.]—According to Plutarch, the Grecian leaders were at first exceedingly offended at this conduct of Pausanias, but were pacified by the remon strances of Aristides. patched to bring this from the Peloponnese, were prevented by the cavalry from returning to the camp. the act of retreating, and of deserting your posts | Greeks, seeing the army cut off from the water, before a battle is commenced; we see you dele- and harassed by the cavalry, came in crowds gating to the Athenians the more dangerous to Pausanias on the right wing, to deliberate attempt of opposing us, and placing yourselves about these and other emergencies. Unagainst our slaves, neither of which actions is pleasant as the present incident might be, they consistent with bravery. We are, therefore, were still more distressed from their want of greatly deceived in our opinion of you; we ex-provision; their servants, who had been despected that from a love of glory you would have despatched a herald to us, expressing yourselves desirous to combat with the Persians alone. Instead of this we find you alarmed and terrified; but as you have offered no challenge to us, we propose one to you. As you are esteemed the most illustrious of your army, why may not an equal number of you, on the part of the Greeks, and of us on the part of the Barbarians, contend for victory? If it be agreeable to you, the rest of our common forces may afterwards engage; if this be unnecessary, we will alone engage, and which ever conquers shall be esteemed victorious over the whole of the adverse army." : XLIX. The herald, after delivering his commission, waited some time for an answer; not receiving any, he returned to Mardonius. He was exceedingly delighted, and already anticipating a victory, sent his cavalry to attack the Greeks these with their lances and arrows materially distressed the Grecian army, and forbade any near approach. Advancing to the Gargaphian fountain, which furnished the Greeks with water, they disturbed and stopped it up. The Lacedæmonians alone were stationed near this fountain, the other Greeks, according to their different stations, were more or less distant, but all of them in the vicinity of the Asopus; but as they were debarred from watering here, by the missile weapons of the cavalry, they all came to the fountain. 3 LI. The Grecian leaders, after deliberating upon the subject, determined, if the Persians should for one day more defer coming to an engagement, to pass to the island opposite to Platea, and about ten stadia from the Asopus and the fountain Gargaphie, where they were at present encamped. This island is thus connected with the continent: the river, descending from Citharon to the plain, divides itself into two streams, which after flowing separately, for about the distance of three stadia, again unite, thus forming the island which is called Oëroë, who, according to the natives, is the daughter of Asopus. The Greeks by this measure proposed to themselves two advan tages; first to be secure of water, and secondly to guard against being further annoyed by the enemy's cavalry. They resolved to decamp at the time of the second watch by night, lest the Persians, perceiving them, should pursue and harass them with their cavalry. It was also their intention, when arrived at the spot, where the Asopian Oëroë is formed by the division of the waters flowing from Citharon, to detach one half of their army to the mountain to relieve a body of their servants, who, with a convoy of provisions, were there encompassed. LII. After taking the above resolutions, L. In this predicament the leaders of the they remained all that day much incommoded 1 Over the whole.]-Such partial challenges, as preventing an unnecessary effusion of blood, seem in cases of unavoidable hostilities most consonant to the dictates of humanity, and we find them frequently adopted in the earlier ages of the world. The histories of Greece and Rome abound with innumerable examples of this kind; as war gradually refined into a science, they came into disuse, and in later times have been totally laid aside. T. 2 Disturbed, &c.]-Bellanger is very angry with M. l'Abbe Gedoyn, for making Pausanias say, that Mardonius on this occasion poisoned the water. "The Persians, barbarians," says he, "as they were, had a greater respect for the laws of nations, and the rights of humanity:-they were not poisoners." The Greek expression in Herodotus is συνεταραξαν και συνέχωσα». The word which Pausanias uses is oux.-T. by the enemy's horse: when these, at the ap 3 Daughter of Asopus.]—Diodorus Siculus, who mentions the twelve daughters of Asopus, and Apollodorus, who speaks of twenty by name, says nothing of this Oeroe.-Wesseling. Diodorus Sic. speaks of Ægina, as well as Apollodorus, which last remarks that Egina is the same with Œnone. Perhaps it is a mistake in the text of Herodotus, and Enone is the true reading.-Larcher. 4 Second watch.]—About four hours after sun.set. The Greeks divided the night into three watches.-Lar cher. The Romans divided their night into four watches. They had a tessera, upon which something was inscrib ed; this was given from one centurion to another throughout the army, till it returned to the man free whom it was first received.-T. |