expedient to give to the bishop a permanent council, which might supply the place of those presbyters who had hitherto lived with him, but were now removed to their respective cures; and from this appointment may be dated the origin of deans and chapters.

At a very early period there seems to have been, in every church where there were many deacons, one who by the bishop's authority had precedence of the rest; but there is no good evidence that visiting presbyters were any where appointed to offices similar to those of our archdeacons, until the abolition of the order of chorepiscopi. That the appointment took place then, is rendered unquestionable by the 57th canon of the council of Laodicea, which substitutes visiting presbyters for those village-bishops, of whom it decreed that no more were to be ordained.

That this catholic unity might be preserved || ded each with a resident pastor, it was judged entire, every bishop elect was obliged, before nis ordination, to make a declaration of his faith to the bishops who ordained him, and, immediately after his ordination, to send, by the hands or some confidential clergymen, circular or encyclica' letters, as they were called, to foreign churches, declaratory of his faith, announcing his promotion to such a see, and professing is coinmunion with the churches to which the letters were sent. If his faith was deemed catholic, and nothing irregular appeared to have taken place in the various steps of his promotion, answers were immediately returned to his letters, approving what had been done, and acknowledging him as a bishop of the catholic church; but, if doubts were excited in the minds of those to whom the encyclical letters were addressed, no answer was returned until proper inquiries were made, and all doubts respecting the faith of the lately consecrated bishop, or the regularity of his promotion, were completely removed. It was thus that Christian communion was maintained between the remotest churches. But had the bishops been, in the modern sense of the word, parochial, and therefore as numerous as the various congregations of Christians, which assembled under separate roofs for the celebration of the mysteries of their religion, it is obvious that this salutary process could not have been carried on; the doctrines taught in distant churches must have been unknown to each other; and catholic unity could have been nothing but a name. Even among diocesan shops, when all of equal rank, such a correspondence must have become so difficult and tedious, after churches were planted in every corner of the empire, that the authors of heresies might, as Cyprian expresses it, have divided and laid waste the flock of Christ, before the bishops at a distance could have stepped in to its assistance; but, by the institution of metropolitans and patriarchs, it became easy and expeditious, as the bishops corresponded with their own metropolitans, the metropolitans with their respective patriarchs, and the patriarchs with each other.

Whether the church acted prudently in all these apparent deviations from primitive simplicity, is a question which we are not called upon to answer; but it is certain that in none of them did she exceed that authority, with which, as an independent society to be spread over the whole world, she must have been in vested by her divine lawgiver, to adapt her constitution, as much as possible, to the circumstances in which she might be placed. To this authority St. Paul repeatedly alludes; and if her metropolitans and patriarchs, her deans and chapters, her visiting presbyters and archdeacons, &c., contributed in any degree to the bi-maintenance of order and decency, she had an unquestionable right to appoint them. Her patriarchs and metropolitans, however dignified with titles and outward splendour, derived from Christ, by apostolical succession, no authority which was not equally possessed by every other bishop; the visiting presbyters, though the bishop devolved on them such parts of his authority as presbyters were capable of exercising, were still nothing more than mere presbyters; and an archdeacon, although he had precedence among his brethren, could not administer the Lord's supper, and was therefore inferior to the lowest presbyter in the church.

After the conversion of Constantine, the distinctions of rank which had thus been introduced among the bishops of the church, were confirmed by the council of Nice, and modelled according to the precedency that was allowed among the civil provinces into which the empire was divided; but, if such an arrangement was attended by some advantages, it was productive likewise of many evils. It was the parent of those fierce contentions between the bishops of Rome and Constantinople for precedency, which disgrace the character of both as the ministers of the meek and lowly Jesus; and, at last, it furnished the former of those prelates with the means of erecting that tyranny, which he so long exercised over the whole western church.

The authority of the church to decree rites or ceremonies and to make such regulations in the mode of administering her discipline, as are best adapted to produce the effects for which her discipline itself was instituted, are facts which cannot indeed be questioned. When incorporated with the state, her governors may certainly be armed by the civil magistrate with civil rank and civil power; but she has no authority to depart in a single article from the faith which was once delivered to the saints, or to surrender to any man that authority which her bishops derive by succession from the apostles. The church is a kingdom not of this world; and therefore, as she derives not her inherent authority from the potentates About the era of the council of Nice, if not at of this world, to the potentates of this world an earlier period, distinctions, unknown in the she cannot resign that authority. Wherever apostolic age, were introduced likewise among the faith is maintained in purity, and the episthe inferior clergy of the same order. When copal succession preserved, there is a true parochial churches were endowed and provi-church, or the elements of a true church:

"quando," to use the words of Cyprian, "Ec- || scure pastor; for, as another ancient writer* observes," potestas peccatorum remittendorum apostolis data est, et ecclesiis quas illi a Christo missi constituerunt, et episcopis qui eis ordi natione vicariâ successerunt."

clesia in episcopo, et clero, et in omnibus stantibus, sit constituta;"* and to the efficacious administration of the word and sacraments, it is of no consequence whether the bishop of such a church be a prince, a peer, or an ob* Epist. 27, edit. Pamel.-33, edit. Fell.

*Firmilian. inter Cyp. Epistolas, Ep. 75. edit. Pamelii et Fell.

THE SECOND APPENDIX,

BY DR. MACLAINE;

CONCERNING THE SPIRIT AND CONDUCT OF THE FIRST REFORMERS, AND THE CHARGE OF ENTHUSIASM (i. e. FANATICISM) THAT HAS BEEN BROUGHT AGAINST THEM BY A CELEBRATED AUTHOR.

The question here is, what was the spirit

the Reformation? This question, indeed, is not at all necessary to the defence of the Reformation, which rests upon the strong foundations of Scripture and reason, and whose excellence is absolutely independent of the virtues of those who took the lead in promoting it. Bad men may be, and often are, embarked in the best causes, as such causes afford the most specious mask to cover mercenary views, or to disguise ambitious purposes. But until the more than Jesuitical and disingenuous Philips resumed the trumpet of calumny,* even the voice of popery had ceased to attack the moral characters of the leading reformers.

THE candour and impartiality, with which || ties of human nature, be duly and attentively Dr. Mosheim represents the transactions of || considered. those who were agents and instruments in bringing about the reformation, are highly which animated the first and principal refor laudable. He acknowledges that imprudence, mers, who arose in times of darkness and despassion, and even a low self-interest, mingled || pair to deliver oppressed kingdoms from the sometimes their rash proceedings and ignoble dominion of Rome, and upon what principles motives in this excellent cause; and, in the very a Luther, a Zuingle, a Calvin, a Melancthon, nature of things, it could not be otherwise. Ita Bucer, &c. embarked in the ardous cause of is one of the inevitable consequences of the subordination and connexions of civil society, that inany improper instruments and agents are set to work in all great and important revolutions,|| whether of a religious or political nature. When great men appear in these revolutions,|| they draw after them their dependents; and the unhappy effects of a party spirit are unavoidably displayed in the best cause. The subjects follow their prince; the multitude adopt the system of their leaders, without entering into its true spirit, or being judiciously attentive to the proper methods of promoting it; and thus irregular proceedings are employed in the maintenance of the truth. Thus it happened in the These eminent men were indeed attacked important revolution that delivered a great part from another quarter, and by a much more reof Europe from the ignominious yoke of the spectable writer. The truly ingenious Mr. Roman pontiff. The sovereigns, the eccle- Hume, so justly celebrated as one of the first siastics, the men of weight, piety, and learning, favourites of the historic muse, has, in his hiswho arose to assert the rights of human nature, tory of England, and more especially in the the cause of genuine Christianity, and the ex- history of the houses of Tudor and Stuart, reercise of religious liberty, came forth into the presented the character and temper of the first field of controversy with a multitude of depen- || reformers in a point of view, which undoubtdents, admirers, and friends, whose motives and edly shows, that he had not considered them conduct cannot be entirely justified. Besides, with the close and impartial attention that when the eyes of whole nations were opened ought always to precede personal reflections. pon the iniquitous absurdities of popery, and He has laid it down as a principle, that superpon the tyranny and insolence of the Roman stition and enthusiasm are two species of relipontiffs, it was scarcely possible to set bounds gion that stand in diametrical opposition to o the indignation of an incensed and tumultu-each other; and seems to establish it as a fact, ous multitude, who are naturally prone to extremes, generally pass from blind submission to lawless ferocity, and too rarely distinguish between the use and abuse of their undoubted rights. In a word, many things, which appear to us extremely irregular in the conduct and measures of some of the instruments of our happy reformation, will be entitled to a certain * See the various answers that were made to this degree of indulgence, if the spirit of the times, the situation of the contending parties, the bar-biographer by the ingenious Mr. Pye, the learned Dr Neve, and other commendable writers who have ap barous provocations of popery, and the infirmi- || peared in this controversy.

that the former is the genius of popery, and the latter the characteristic of the Reformation. Both the principle and its application must appear extremely singular; and three sorts of persons must be more especially surprised at it.

In the first place, persons of a philosophical

And nevertheless it is manifest, that the multitudes of fanatics, which arose in the church of Rome before the Reformation, are truly innumerable; and the operations of fanaticism in that church were, at least, as visible and frequent, as the restless workings of superstition; they went, in short, hand in hand, and united their visions and their terrors in the support of the papacy. It is, more especially, well known, that the greatest part of the monastic esta

turn, who are accustomed to study human na- || upon superstition as a more predominant cha ture, and to describe with precision both its re-racteristic of popery than fanaticism; and yet gular and eccentric movements, must be sur- this is a leading idea, which is not only visible prised to see superstition and fanaticism* repre- in many parts of this author's excellent Histosented as opposite and jarring qualities. They ry, but appears to be the basis of all the reflechave been often seen together, holding with|tions he employs, and of all the epithets he each other a most friendly correspondence; and uses, in his speculations upon the Romish reliindeed if we consider their nature, and their gion. essential characters, their union will appear, not only possible, but in some cases natural, if not necessary. Superstition, which consists in false and abject notions of the Deity, in the gloomy and groundless fears of invisible beings, and in the absurd rites, that these notions and these fears naturally produce, is certainly the root of various branches of fanaticism. For what is fanaticism, but the visions, illuminations, impulses, and dreams of an overheated fancy, converted into rules of faith, hope, wor-blishments (that alternately insulted the benigship, and practice? This fanaticism, as it nity of Providence by their austerities, and springs up in a melancholy or a cheerful com- abused it by their licentious luxury,) were oriplexion, assumes a variety of aspects, and its ginally founded in consequence of pretended morose and gloomy forms are certainly most illuminations, miraculous dreams, and other Congenial with superstition, in its proper sense. wild delusions, of an over-heated fancy. WhenIt was probably this consideration that led the ever a new doctrine was to be established, that author of the article Fanaticism, in the famous could augment the authority of the pope, or Dictionnaire Encyclopedique, to define it as fill the coffers of the clergy; whenever a new 'a blind and passionate zeal, which arises convent was to be erected, there was always a from superstitious opinions, and leads its vota- vision or a miracle ready to facilitate the busiries to commit ridiculous, unjust, and cruel ac- ness; nor must it be imagined, that forgery tions, not only without shame, but even with and imposture were the only agents in this certain internal feelings of joy and comfort;"matter;-by no means;-imposture there was; from which the author concludes, that "fana-and it was frequently employed; but impostors ticism is really nothing more than superstition set in motion." This definition unites perhaps too closely these two kinds of false religion, whose enormities have furnished very illgrounded pretexts for discrediting and misre-smallest addition of ludicrous embellishment, presenting the true. It is, however, a testi- the ecstacies, visions, seraphic amours, celestial mony from one of the pretended oracles of mo- apparitions, that are said to have shed such an dern philosophy, in favour of the compatibility odour of sanctity upon the male and female of fanaticism with superstition. These two saints of the Romish church; were I to pass in principles are evidently distinct; because super-review the famous conformities of St. Francis, stition is, generally speaking, the effect of ignorance, or of a judgment perverted by a sour and splenetic temper; whereas fanaticism is the offspring of an inflamed imagination, and may exist where there is no superstition, i. e. where no false or gloomy notions of the divinity are entertained. But, though distinct, they are not opposite principles; on the contrary, they lend on many occasions, some strength and assistance to each other.

made use of fanatics; and in return fanatics found impostors, who spread abroad their fame, and turned their visions to profit. Were I to recount with the utmost simplicity, without the

the illuminations of St. Ignatius, and the enormous cloud of fanatical witnesses that have dishonoured humanity in bearing testimony to popery, this dissertation would become a voluminous history. Let the reader cast an eye upon Dr. Mosheim's account of those ages which more immediately preceded the Reformation, and he will see what a number of sects, purely fanatical, arose in the bosom of the Romish church.

But this is not all-for it must be carefully observed, that even those extravagant fanatics, who produced such disorders in Germany about the commencement of the Reformation, were nursed in the bosom of popery, were professed papists before they adopted the cause of Luther; and that many of them even passed directly from popery to fanaticism, without even entering into the outward profession of Lutheranism. It is also to be observed, that beside the fanatics, who exposed themselves to the contempt of the wise upon the public theatre

If persons accustomed to philosophical precision will not relish the maxim of the celebrated writer which I have been now considering, so neither, in the second place, can those who are versed in ecclesiastical history look * I use the word fanaticism here, instead of enthusiasm, to prevent all ambiguity; because, as shall be shown presently, Mr. Hume takes enthusiasm in its worse sense when he applies it to the reformers; and in that sense it is not only equivalent to, but is perfectly synonymous with, fanaticism. Besides, the latter term is used indiscriminately with enthusiasm by this celebrated historian, in characterising †The words of the original are, "Le fanatisme of popery, Seckendorf speaks of a sect that est un zele aveugle et passione, qui nait des opinions merits this denomination, which had spread in superstitieuses, et fait commettre des actions ridi- the Netherlands, before Luther raised his voice cules, injustes et cruelles, non seulement sans honte, against popery, and whose members were enmais avec une sorta de joye et de consolation. Le fanatisme donc n'est que la superstition mise en gaged, by the terror of penal laws, to dissem ble their sentiments, and even affected a de

the Reformation.

mouvement."

vout compliance with the ceremonies of the || established worship, until religious liberty, introduced by the reformation, encouraged them to pull off the mask, and propagate their opinions, several of which were licentious and profane.

plied enormities of popery rendered so necessary, must be always distinguished from the abuses that might be, and were often made, of the liberty it introduced. If you ask, indeed, what was the temper or spirit of the first heralds of this happy Reformation, Mr. Hume But, in the third place, the friends of the will tell you, that they were universally inReformation must naturally be both surprised || flamed with the highest enthusiasm. This asand displeased to find enthusiasm, or fanati- sertion, if taken singly, and not compared with cism, laid down by Mr. Hume, as the charac- other passages relating to the reformers, might ter and spirit of its founders and abettors, with- be understood in a sense consistent with truth, out any exception or distinction in favour of and even honourable to the character of these any one of the reformers. That fanaticism eminent men. For, if by enthusiasm we unwas visible in the conduct and spirit of many derstand that spirit of ardour, intrepidity, and who embraced the Reformation, is a fact which generous zeal, which leads men to brave the I do not pretend to deny; and it may be wor- most formidable obstacles and dangers in dethy of the reader's curiosity to consider, for a fence of a cause, whose excellence and importmoment, how this came to pass. That reli- ance have made a deep impression upon their gious liberty, which the Reformation intro- minds, the first reformers will be allowed by duced and granted (in consequence of its their warmest friends to have been enthusiasts. essential principles) indiscriminately to all, This species of enthusiasm is a noble affection, to the learned and unlearned, rendered this when fitly placed and wisely exerted. It is eruption of enthusiasm inevitable. It is one this generous sensibility, this ardent feeling of of the imperfections annexed to all human the great and excellent, that forms heroes and things, that our best blessings have their in- patriots; and, without it, nothing difficult and conveniences, or, at least, are susceptible of arduous, that is attended with danger, or preabuse. As liberty is a natural right, but judice to our temporal interests, can either be not a discerning principle, it could not open attempted with vigour, or executed with sucthe door to truth without letting error and de- cess. If this ingenious writer had even oblusion come with it. If reason came forth served, that the ardour of the first reformers with dignity, when delivered from the despot- was more or less violent, that it was more or ism of authority, and the blind servitude of less blended with the warmth and vivacity of implicit faith; imagination, also set free and human passions, candour would be obliged to less able to bear the prosperous change, came avow the charge. forth likewise, but with a different aspect, and exposed to view the reveries which it had been || long obliged to conceal.

But it is not in any of these points of view, that our eminent historian considers the spirit, temper, and enthusiasm of the first reformers. Thus many fanatical phantoms were exhibit- The enthusiasm he attributes to them is fanatied, which neither arose from the spirit of the cism in its worst sense. He speaks indeed of Reformation, nor from the principles of the re- the 'inflexible intrepidity, with which they formers, but which had been engendered in braved dangers, torments, and even death the bosom of popery, and which the fostering itself;' but he calls them the fanatical and rays of liberty had disclosed; similar in this, enraged reformers;' he represents fanaticism, to the enlivening beams of the sun, which through the whole course of his history, as fructify indiscriminately the salutary plant in the characteristic of the protestant religion the well cultivated ground, and the noxious and its glorious founders: the terms, 'proweed in a rank and neglected soil. And as testant fanaticism-fanatical churches'-are the Reformation had no such miraculous influ- interspersed in various parts of his work; ence (not to speak of the imperfection that at- and we never meet with the least appeartended its infancy, and that has not entirely ance of a distinction between the rational and been removed from its more advanced stages) enthusiastic, the wise and indiscreet friends of as to cure human nature of its infirmities and the Reformation. In short, we find a phrafollies, to convert irregular passions into regu- seology constantly employed upon this subject, lar principles, or to turn men into angels be- which discovers an intention to confound profore the time, it has still left the field open, testantism with enthusiasm, and to make reboth for fanaticism and superstition to sow formers and fanatics synonymous terms. their tares among the good seed; and this will are told, that, while absurd rites and burthenprobably be the case until the end of the world. some superstitions reigned in the Romish It is here, that we must seek for the true cause church, the reformers were 'thrown, by a spiof all that condemnable enthusiasm which rit of opposition, into an enthusiastic strain of has dishonoured the Christian name, and often devotion;' and, in another place, that the lattroubled the order of civil society, at different ter placed all merit in a mysterious species periods since the Reformation; and for which of faith, in inward vision, rapture, and ecstasy.' the reformation is no more responsible, than a It would be endless to quote the passages in free government is for the weakness or corrup- which this representation of things repeated tion of those who abuse its lenity and indul-|| in a great variety of phrases, and artfully ingence. The Reformation established the sa- sinuated into the mind of the reader, by dexcred and inalienable right of private judgment; terous strokes of a seducing pencil; which, but it could not hinder the private judgment though scattered here and there, yet gradually of many from being wild and extravagant. unite their influence on the imagination of ar. The Reformation, then, which the multi-uninstructed and unwary, reader, and forin.

We

imperceptibly, an unfavourable impression of || ed Christians to judge for themselves, to search that great event, to which we owe at this day the Scriptures, break asunder the bonds of ig. our civil and religious liberty, and our deliver- norant prejudice and lawless authority, and ance from a yoke of superstitious and barba- assert that liberty of conscience to which they rous despotism. Protestants, in all ages and had an inalienable right as reasonable beings. places, are stigmatised by Mr. Hume with Mr. Hume himself acknowledges, that they very dishonourable titles; and it struck me offered to submit all religious doctrines to particularly to see even the generous opposers private judgment, and exhorted every one to of the Spanish inquisition in Holland, whose examine the principles formerly imposed upon proceedings were so moderate, and whose com- him.' In short, it was their great and avowed plaints were so humble, until the barbarous purpose to oppose the gross corruptions and yoke of superstition and tyranny became in- the spiritual tyranny of Rome,* of which Mr. Colerable; it struck me, I say, to see these ge- Hume himself complains with a just indignanerous patriots branded with the general charac- tion, and which he censures in as keen and ter of bigots. This is certainly a severe appel- vehement terms as those which were used by lation; and were it applied with much more Luther and Calvin in their warmest moments. equity than it is, I think it would still come I have already insinuated, and I acknowwith an ill grace from a lover of freedom, ledge it here again, that the zeal of the reforfrom a man who lives and writes with security mers was sometimes intemperate; but I cannot under the auspicious shade of that very liberty think this circumstance sufficient to justify the which the Reformation introduced, and for aspersion of fanaticism, which is cast both on which the Belgic heroes (or bigots-if we must the spirit of the Reformation, and the principal call them so) shed their blood. I observe with agents concerned in it. A man may be overpain, that the phraseology and mode of expres- zealous in the advancement of what he supsion, employed perpetually by Mr. Hume, on poses to be the true religion, without being similar occasions, seem to discover a keen dis- entitled to the denomination of a fanatic, unlike of every opposition made to power in fa- less we depart from the usual sense of this vour of the Reformation. Upon the too general word, which is often enough employed to have principle which this eminent writer has diffus- acquired, before this time, a determinate signied through his history, we shall even be obliged fication. The intemperate zeal of the reforto brand, with the opprobrious mark of fanati-mers was the result of that ardour, which cism, those generous friends of civil and religious liberty, who, in the revolution of 1688, opposed the measures of a popish prince and an arbitrary government, and to rank the Burnets, Tillotsons, Stillingfleets, and other immortal ornaments of the protestant name, among the enthusiastic tribe; it is a question, whether even a Boyle, a Newton, or a Locke, will escape a censure which is lavished without mercy and without distinction.-But my present business is with the first reformers, and to them I return.

Those who more especially merit that title, were Luther, Zuingle, Calvin, Melancthon, Bucer, Martyr, Bullinger, Beza, Ecolampadius, and others. Now these were all men of learning, who came forth into the field of controversy (in which the fate of future ages, with respect to liberty, was to be decided) with a kind of arms that did not at all give them the aspect of persons agitated by the impulse, or seduced by the delusions of fanaticism. They pretended not to be called to the work they undertook by visions, or internal illuminations and impulses; they never attempted to work miracles, or pleaded a divine commission;they taught no new religion, nor laid claim to any extraordinary vocation;-they respected government, practised and taught submission o civil rulers, and desired only the liberty of that conscience which God has made free, and which ceases to be conscience if it be not free. They maintained, that the faith of a Christian was to be determined by the word of God alone; they had recourse to reason, and argument, to the rules of sound criticism, and to the authority and light of history. They translated the Scriptures into the popular languages of different countries, and appealed to them as the only test of religious truth. They exhort

takes place in all divisions and parties that are founded upon objects of real or supposed importance; and it may be affirmed, that, in such circumstances, the most generous minds, filled with a persuasion of the goodness of their end, and of the uprightness of their intentions, are the most liable to transgress the exact bounds of moderation, and to adopt measures, which, in the calm hour of deliberate reflection, they themselves would not approve. In all great divisions, the warmth of natural temper,-the provocation of unjust and violent opposition,— a spirit of sympathy, which connects, in some cases, the most dissimilar characters, renders the mild violent, and the phlegmatic warm;— and frequently the pride of conquest, which mingles itself, imperceptibly, with the best principles and the most generous views,-produce or nourish an intemperate zeal; and this zeal is, in some cases, almost inevitable. On the other hand, it may be suspected, that some writers, and Mr. Hume among others, may have given too high colours to their descriptions of this intemperate zeal. There is a passage of Sir Robert Cotton, that has much meaning. "Most men (says he) grew to bɩ frozen in zeal and benumbed, so that whoso ever pretended a little spark of earnestness, seemed no less than red fire hot, in comparison of the other."

Nothing can be more foreign from my tem. per and sentiments, than to plead the cause o an excessive zeal; more especially, every kind of zeal that approaches to a spirit of intole