dustrial training of the young paupers, it is evident that in addition to a reduction of expenditure, a demand for their labour will be a consequence of its being skilled.

16. That many of our colonies are arrested in progress for want of labour, and are advancing money from colonial funds to induce emigration, and it is reasonable to suppose therefore that skilled labour in the unions will induce the colonists to give free passages from time to time to the young in nates.

This scheme requires no argument or explanation to prove its importance, and we shall not, until we shall have the report of Mr. Macartney's committee before us, offer any observations in support of it. There are, however, facts and figures in our possession sufficient to prove not alone the soundness of the scheme, but likewise to prove the right of the country to claim from the consolidated fund the amount necessary to give it full efficacy.

We may, however, state that the Guardians of the South Dublin Union have indirectly given their support to this system here advocated, of separating the young paupers from the old; that is, they have agreed to send, and have sent, sixty or seventy of the girls from the Poor-house to a large house adjoining the convent of the Sisters of Mercy in Baggot-street, where they are paid for at the same rate as a pauper costs in the Union House, the sisters taking the whole management, in fact making the house of reception for these girls an Auxiliary Poor-house.

When the sisters thus consented to take the charge of these girls they made only two stipulations. One, that Catholics only should be sent; the other, that they should not be obliged to take any girl known to have ever been a prostitute. But here the good sense of the Guardians failed, and instead of holding out to the girls a transmission to the Baggot-street house as a reward for good conduct, they actually refused to send any but the very worst class; and, accordingly, the establishment was opened with about as bad a lot as it was ever our misfortune to inspect. They were ignorant and untaught; they had no sense of decency or self-respect; they had nearly all been reared in the Poor-house, and, as a matter of course, feared neither God nor man; many of them had been in gaol three or four times for work-house offences; and yet, by judicious, careful, kind management, and through the agency of that wonderful thing, INDIVIDUALIZATION, these poor creatures are

now in a fair way of becoming useful, honest, hardworking women.*

It has by some persons been objected that this institution at Baggot-street is an encouragement to Popery; and there are many persons, guardians too, who would rather keep these girls in the Union House, with all its horrid sin, and corrup tion of soul and body, than send them to Baggot-street.

This, to English readers, will appear strange. Let them, however, remember that the vast majority of the people of Ireland are Catholic; let them, remembering this, read the following report of a Meeting, taken from a Conservative Dublin paper, Saunders's News-Letter, of Friday, June 18th, 1858, and they will be, perhaps, able to comprehend the hatred of Popery animus to which we have referred :—

DUBLIN PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION.

"A meeting of this body was held last evening in the Rooms, 83, Middle Abbey-street, for the purpose of adopting a petition against the bill brought into the House of Commons by Mr. Sergeant Deasy and Mr. Bagwell, on the question of Refor matory Schools.

"The Rev. S, G. Potter in the Chair,

"Mr. John Martin,T.C., moved the adoption of the following petition, which was seconded by Mr. W. R. Furlong, and unanimously adopted :-That your petitioners have read, with considerable alarm, a bill brought into your honorable house by the learned members for the County of Cork and Borough of Cloninel, (Mr. Sergeant Deasy and Mr. Bagwell), entitled "a Bill to Promote and Regulate Reformatory Schools for Juvenile Offenders in Ireland." That your petitioners are fully convinced that should the said bill be passed into law, the "Reformatory Schools" contemplated by its provisions would become mere depots of proselytism to the Roman

The sister who had the chief care of these girls was what is called "Received" by the order, but not "Professed," that is, she had not taken the final vows. About the middle of June she was to take these vows, and was, as is the custom, going into "Retreat" for a week. The day before the Retreat commenced the girls remarked that she looked very anxious, and they asked her why she seemed sad. She replied that she should not see them during the next seven days, and feared that in her absence they might give the other sisters trouble. They all replied, "Oh! never fear; we'll be good for the week," and they kept their words most faithfully.

Catholic religion, and nurseries for propagating the peculiar doctrines of that system-doctrines which your petitioners conscientiously believe to be opposed to the well being of the British state-subversive of true loyalty to the British crown, and ruinous to the souls of men. That your petitioners most respectfully submit to your honorable house that the clauses of said bill, whereby it is sought to invest grand juries and town councils with legal power to present a sum or sums of money, and to raise the same off counties and boroughs in Ireland for the maintenance and support of said schools, involve principles of injustice and iniquity calculated to create discontent and dissatisfaction in the minds of the Protestants of Ireland generally, inasmuch as crime of every description known to the law, as well amongst the juvenile as the adult population, attaches itself to the Roman Catholic creed, and that therefore it appears unjust and impolitic to invest the said grand juries and town councils with power by law to levy a new tax off the Protestants of the country, for the purposes contemplated by the said bill. That, independently of the comparative amount of crime perpetrated by Roman Catholics and Protestants, independently of the injustice of coercing Protestants to pay for the spread of evil arising from an erroneous and disloyal system against which they protest, your petitioners object to the provisions of the said bill on the principle that it is contrary to the dictates of pure and undefiled Christianity, and opposed to the spirit of the British constitution for the State to grant one single penny towards the sustainment and support, in any form, of a system of religion, sworn by the highest in the realm to be anti-Scriptural and pernicious in its nature; and therefore your petitioners most humbly pray that your honorable house may be pleased to reject the said bill, and refuse to grant any sum or sums of money for any alleged education or reformatory purpose whatsoever, except where the former is based upon principles derived from the Word of God, and the latter sought to be effected by means consistent with the principles of Christianity, as established by law, and your petitioners will ever pray.

"Signed by authority, in name and on behalf of the Meeting,

"SAMUEL GEORGE POTTER, Clk., Chairman.' After the usual preliminaries the proceedings terminated, and the petition was ordered to be transmitted to Mr. Grogan, M.P., for presentation to the house."

Now, here we have a rampant, virulent, conservative Town Councillor, and a clergyman of the Established Church, talking the most absurd fanaticism, and the most sublimated nonsense. They say nothing at all about the Reformatory Principle; they say nothing about the necessity for Reformatories; but they object that Protestants should be taxed to reform Catholic juvenile criminals. They forget, however, that Protestants would be taxed to support these Catholic juveniles in the poor-house first, then in the gaol, then through the gaol, by the gaol, and from the gaol, in its associations, up to, or down to, the convict prison. In all these epochs of life and phases of crime they must be supported as Catholics, taught as Catho lics, trained as Catholics, so that, viewed in any light Mr. Martin and his Reverend friend may please, the Reformatory Schools' Bill of Sergeant Deasy and of Mr. Bagwell does not make Protestants pay more towards Popery, but rather less than they pay now, and have paid for years.

We do not consider this paper as either an essay or a disquisition; our only object in its whole course was to supply matter for thought to those who feel an interest-and who does not ?-in THE ADULT AND YOUNG OF THE POOR-HOUSE.

ART. X.-THE CHARGE AND ITS REFUTATION.

PAPER SECOND.

1. First and Second Reports of the Royal Commissioners of the Patriotic Fund. Presented by command of Her Majesty. 2. Two letters to Lord St. Leonards on the Management of the Patriotic Fund and on the Second Report of the Royal Commissioners. By the Most Rev. Dr. Cullen. Dublin: James Duffy, Wellington-quay, Publisher to his Grace the Catholic Archbishop of Dublin.

3. Letter of the Most Reverend Dr. Cullen, on the Dangers to which the children of Catholic Soldiers are exposed in the Hibernian and other Military Schools. James Duffy, Wellington-quay, Publisher to his Grace the Catholic Archbishop of Dublin.

In a former paper we examined the charges preferred by the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin with reference to the management of the Patriotic fund. In the present paper we mean to deal with the second report of the Commissioners, published mainly as a reply to His Grace's accusations. We recur to this subject in a spiritof fair play. We have laid before Our readers the grounds upon which the Archbishop considered himself justified in making a very serious charge against a public body, a charge which if true is calculated to check the flow of national benevolence in the direction of similar charities by undermining confidence in the integrity of the public bodies to whom their management may be intrusted, and which if false cannot be too strongly reprobated. Is it not meet then that we should now present our readers with the Commissioners' answer, which "verified," in the words of the Report, "by the correspondence in the appendix," will enable them to form an opinion on the whole case? Would it not be most unjust to publish the accusation and withhold the defence, to exhibit the charge and suppress its refutation? We shall therefore refer to the origin of this commission, the period of which the charges were first made, and then we shall consider the refutation given by the Report of February last, verified by the correspondence in the appendix.

Actuated by a just sense of the sacred rights of those who