guilty of many outrageous practices and much shameful disturbance of public worship. A quaker woman went through the streets of Salem naked as a sign. Another woman went naked into the meeting house at Newbury, pretending that the Lord had moved her. Numbers were seized and banished, and a penalty of £100 was laid upon any master of a vessel who should bring any quaker to the country.

The fathers of New-England were jealous for all that was dear to them and their children. They persecuted the quakers not so much for their peculiar views of religion, as for being gross disturbers of civil society. Such indecencies were not to be borne with, though offered under the most pious pretences. "Every other government," said these intruders" but their own was a tree that must be cut down." And what could they expect from every other government but to be cut down themselves? But the infliction upon them of the penalty of death was alto. gether inexcusable.

The

While the first ministers and settlers of Connecticut remained, their churches had great peace and harmony. But when they were removed a generation arose with very different sentiments relating to church membership. A dispute arose in Hartford soon after the death of the excellent Hooker, between Mr. Stone and Elder Goodwin upon some nice points of Congregationalism," which threw the whole colony into a flame. worldly and unprincipled took advantage of the convulsed state of things to bring forward their complaints against the rigidity of the churches. They thought it unreasonable that persons of regular lives should be excluded from the communion, though they gave no evidence of experimental religion, and from the privilege of having their children baptized if they acknowledged their covenant. They also viewed it as a grievance that church members alone should have a vote in the choice of pastors. These points were argued throughout Connecticut with great warmth. Some were actuated in their support by worldly principles. According to the constitution of the church and state, they were, while out of the church, entirely excluded from all the honours and offices of the state, even from the freedom of election, and to be free they must either join the church or alter the prevalent system. Others were actuated by a zeal for God, but not according to knowledge. These were chiefly among the aged. They saw their grandchildren growing up without baptism. Their children were men of sober regular lives, but made no pretensions to personal piety. These they viewed as members of the visible church in con

sequence of their baptism, and these they thought might, with propriety, own their covenant and have their children baptized, that so the church might be perpetuated. But many viewed it as highly dangerous thus to bring the world into the church, and violently opposed the innovation.

A number of councils sat in vain, upon the disputed subject. At length in 1657, all the difficulties were referred to a council composed of the principal ministers of New-England at Boston. These presented answers to 21 questions. They declared "That it was the duty of those come to years of discretion, baptized in their infancy, to own the covenant; that it is the duty of the church to call them to this; that if they refuse, or are scandalous in any other way they may be censured by the church. If they understand the grounds of religion and are not scandalous, and solemnly own the covenant, giving up themselves and their children to the Lord. baptism may not be denied to their children." This decision introduced into the churches what has since been termed the half way covenant, and constituted such as had been baptized in infancy, voters in the election of a pastor. Such was the result of the mistaken attempt to amalgamate the church and the world.

But the churches in Connecticut were not quieted. Many viewed the decision as destructive to the interests of religion, and a violation of the fundamental principles of congregationalism. The ferment in the church at Hartford also was high. In 1659, a council composed of elders and messengers from Boston and its vicinity met there and labored a long time to conciliate the parties. But the conflict only ceased with the removal and death of some of the principal actors. It was indeed terrible. "From the fire of the altar," said Mather, "there issued thunderings, and lightnings, and earthquakes, through the whole colony."

In Massachusetts, a synod was called to consider the decision of the Boston council. It was warmly opposed by several leading ministers, especially by President Chauncey and Mr. Increase Mather, but the controversy had assumed a political character. A large body of the people were cut off from all honors and offices, and the privileges of freemen, and such was the clamour from them, that a majority of the synod confirmed the decision. This synod also gave their opinion in favor of a consociation of the churches, but nothing was done to establish it.

The churches in Massachusetts generally adopted the practice recommended, and one of the results of it was, that viewing unconverted men who entered into an external covenant with God.

as fit to bring their children to baptism, many pastors viewed them as fit to come to the Lord's table. This was the case especially with the Rev. Solomon Stoddard, of Northampton, who contended with great zeal that the supper was a converting ordinance, and that a moral life, and not a change of heart, was essential to admittance to it. His influence was very extensive.

But the pious part of the community in Connecticut were so opposed to it, that the Legislature passed an act endeavoring to enforce it, and convened another council in 1667, to sanction it. It was not adopted by a single church for thirty-nine years after, i. e. until almost a whole generation had passed away. The church at Hartford first introduced it in 1696. The covenant was signed by most of the young people in the congregation. Other churches gradually came into the same practice. It was wholly discontinued in the state about the close of the 18th century. The ministers and churches of New Haven colony were unanimous in opposition to it.

Both the Connecticut and New Haven churches continued their former strict practice of admitting members to their communion, and would not suffer any but church members to vote in the choice of pastors. The churches throughout New-England were also very strict in their examination of candidates for the ministry; requiring of them a knowledge of the three learned languages, a knowledge of doctrinal and practical theology, and an ability to defend them, and satisfactory evidence of personal piety.

In 1679, a Synod assembled at Boston, called the Reforming Synod. The colonies had been greatly distressed with various calamities, and the pious community were anxious to know their sins and duties. The results of the Synod were very happy in unfolding the provoking sins of the age, and leading the people to repentance.

The first settlers of Plymouth had adopted, while in Holland, the doctrinal articles of the church of England, and the confession of the French reformed churches, which was the confession of Calvin; and the Synod of 1648 had recommended to the churches the Westminster confession of faith; but it was thought advisable for the churches publicly and solemnly to adopt one as their own. Accordingly, this reforming Synod adopted, May 12, 1680, the Savoy confession, composed by a convention of congregational divines at a public building in London, called the Savoy, which differed in nothing essential from the Westminster confession, which had been adopted in 1648. They chose thus to unite with European churches, that they might not only with

one heart, but with one mouth, glorify God and our Lord Jesus Christ.

Blessed with great purity of doctrine and excellent religious instruction, the New England churches had been remarkably free from superstition. But at the close of the seventeenth century, a cloud came over them, producing the most deplorable consequences. Two children, in the house of the Rev. Samuel Paris, of Salem village, were in the year 1692, affected with some unusual distemper. The physician declared that “ they were under an evil hand.” A report spread that they were bewitched. An Indian woman privately made experiments to find out the witch. The children, hearing of her experiments, complained of her as tormenting them and visible though not present. They would be dumb and choked, and declare that pins were thrust into their flesh. Others soon complained of similar sufferings, and accused various persons of the sin of witchcraft. The public commotion was tremendous. Councils were called. Fasts were held. The Legislature appointed a fast through the colony, that the Lord might rebuke Satan. The accused were imprisoned; tried before the civil magistrates, and, shocking to relate, nineteen were between March and September, publicly executed. And these were such only as plead not guilty. All who confessed themselves guilty of witchcraft, and many there were who did this to save their lives, were acquitted. "Terrible was the day. Every man was suspicious of his neighbor. Business was interrupted. Many people fled from their dwellings. Terror was in every countenance. Distress in every heart." Before winter there was an entire change of public opinion. All were sensible that it was an awful delusion in the public mind. And those who had been active in condemning, confessed their error, and sought forgiveness from the public.

Witchcraft was universally believed in Europe until the sixteenth century, and very generally until after the phrenzy at Salem. King James wrote a book to teach his people the reality of witchcraft, and the duty of punishing it with the greatest severity, and the great Sir Matthew Hale condemned to death two women for this supposed crime. The religious community had been taught by the Mosaic writings, that a "witch ought not to live." Let us spare our condemnation of them, and be grateful that we have more light and clearer views on this awful subject. In 1703-4, there was a considerable outpouring of the spirit upon the churches, and religion was greatly revived. There were now one hundred and fifty churches in New England, thirty of which were Indian, with Indian pastors.

Harvard College had become flourishing; but that the Connecticut churches might be supplied with a learned ministry with less expense than sending their sons there, they, in 1700, laid the foundation of Yale College.

In 1703, the trustees of this Institution invited all the ministers of Connecticut to meet with the churches in a general consociation, for the adoption of an uniform system of faith, after the example of the synod in Boston, in 1680. The proposal was acceded to, and the Westminster and Savoy confessions were adopted. But as there was no authoritative bond of union among the ministers and churches, and as one was much needed, a convention of ministers and delegates met in 1708 at Saybrook, which adopted a system of discipline and church fellowship, called the Saybrook Platform. This was recognized by the Legislature as the religious constitution of the colony. It established district associations, a general annual association of ministers, composed of delegates from the district associations, and a consociation of ministers and churches, a perpetual council in each district composed of ministers and lay delegates to which all difficulties might be referred, and whose decision should be final.

In 1724, the convention of ministers at Boston, petitioned the general court to call a general synod; but it was the opinion of the leading civilians, that it could not be done without an order from the king, and the thing was relinquished. No synod has since been known in these congregational churches, and no public body has adopted any other confession of faith, or system of church government, than those adopted by the above synod.

By the settlement of Rhode Island New Hampshire, Maine and Vermont, the bounds of congregationalism became much enlarged. The congregational churches in these states adopted, in general, the same faith and government as the mother churches. None, however, but Connecticut, in all New England, became consociated.

About the year 1737, commenced a very general, powerful, and happy revival of religion throughout New England. An extraordinary zeal was excited in the ministers of the churches. They addressed crowded audiences in the demonstration of the spirit and with power. The doctrines of the Reformation were presented in their native simplicity. Men were taught their entire depravity, the necessity of regeneration by the Holy Spirit, the duty of immediate submission to God, of evangelical repentance and faith in Christ, and holy obedience. Converts were exceedingly multiplied. Religion was, in many places, almost the only subject of thought and conversation. Vast multitudes