revenue. Even the bigoted court of Lisbon entertained ideas of reform. The queen was a devout catholic, superstitiously faithful to the doctrines and attached to the ceremonies of popery: but she suffered her son, the prince of Brazil, to lead her into antipapal measures. Some publications which had been introduced by the emperor into the schools at Vienna, were translated into the language of Portugal, and ordered to be studied, for the promotion of free inquiry, in several new seminaries founded in that realm. Questions tending to weaken the fabric of papal supremacy, to abridge the power of the clerical body, and even to recommend toleration of various religions, were authoritatively proposed for discussion in the universities; and the press was permitted to aid the progress of such argumentation, although it was not allowed to impugn the peculiar doctrines of catholicism. No persons were suffered to devote themselves to monastic confinement, without the particular sanction of the sovereign. Even after the death of the prince, the court continued to encroach on the claims of the pope and the immunities of the church. The courts of Naples and Florence took greater liberties in this respect than that of Lisbon. A considerable number of monasteries were suppressed by the king and the grand duke: bishoprics and rich benefices were granted without consulting his holiness with regard to the individuals proper to occupy them; and contributions to the Roman treasury were abolished or restricted. The republic of Venice dissolved some conventual foundations, and applied their revenues to better purposes than the support of superstitious indolence. The duke of Modena put an end to the horrors of the inquisition in his dominions, and treated with less respect the general authority of the pontiffm. These incidents and transactions occurred at different times: but they are here mentioned together, to preserve a continuity of subject. They

m Mémoires sur Pie VI. chap. xviii, xix. xxii.

tend to shew the reduced state of the papacy at the period in question: but it may be observed, that, for its total extinction, Europe was not then prepared.

The pope could only resist these assaults by remonstrances, to which the reforming courts paid no regard. He was fully sensible of the decline of his influence, but concealed his chagrin under the appearance of composure. With the pomp of ceremony, and with ritual formalities, he amused himself and his people, while his authority was exposed to rude shocks. He also attended to the improvement of the museum, which had been formed at Rome by Benedict XIV., and which Ganganelli had considerably augmented.

The catholic princes, in general, not only annihilated, or materially reduced, the papal authority over their subjects, but suffered public opinion so far to operate, as to check the arbitrary use of their own authority and the protestant governments also relaxed, in some degree, the rigors of power. Much, however, remained to be done for the purposes of popular benefit; for, even in Great Britain, the land of boasted freedom, the government was rather a combination of monarchy and aristocracy, than a proper mixture of those two kinds of polity with democracy.

While almost every nation in Europe seemed to be gradually advancing to a melioration of its government, and to a greater freedom of inquiry, the French unfortunately took the lead, and obscured the rising prospect by senseless precipitancy and by absurd innovations. They overturned former establishments before they had concerted or devised rational plans of substitution: they indulged in all the wildness of theory and all the licentiousness of caprice. The most outrageous cruelty was mingled with their political fanaticism; and the effects were calamitous and deplorable.

A revolution like that which convulsed France, could not be expected to prove favorable to the interests of religion. Men who were inclined to cherish

a boundless freedom of opinion, and who boasted of their being wholly uninfluenced by the wisdom of former times, were not likely to feel any high degree of respect for that system of religion which had long prevailed. Not content with ridiculing and reprobating the Romish ritual and establishment, they spoke contemptuously of all other creeds; and a neglect of religion became the order of the day. The constituent assembly, however, amidst all its innovations, made provision for the continuance of public worship; and the catholic religion was still the predominant system. The papal interest, indeed, was materially affected by the change of government. The vote against the payment of fees to the pope, the order for the suppression of monasteries, the seisure of all the possessions of the church as the property of the nation, and the entire subjection of the clergy to the civil power, struck at the vitals of the court of Rome. Pius, incensed at these proceedings, seemed ready to hurl the thunderbolts of pontifical vengeance upon the audacious and profane revolutionists; but prudence checked his arm. He apprehended that his menaces and edicts would be disregarded, and might only serve to provoke embittered hostilities. In the mean time, he endeavoured to secure the friendship of those princes whose power might afford him some protection amidst the revolutionary storm.

The bishops and priests, who acted under the new constitution of France, were not regarded as true members of the Romish church, by the clergy of the old school, however observant they might be of the catholic creed. The pope sent a brief to the king, condemning the new arrangements; but Louis was constrained to acquiesce in these and other innovations. Only three of the former bishops retained their stations: all the other prelates became non-jurors, and, with the majority of parochial ministers, were deprived of their preferments. The legislative assembly, affecting to be alarmed at the intrigues of

the clerical non-jurors, menaced them with imprisonment or exile. Many of their number emigrated in the sequel; and many were assassinated by the populace.

Under the sway of the democratic convention, so little attention was paid to religion, that it seemed to be in danger of being wholly absorbed by worldly politics. The assembly did not, indeed, expressly vote for its extinction in the new republic; but contented itself with encouraging the surrender of letters of priest-hood, and the open renunciation of all religious sentiments. At length, however, Robespierre pretended to be shocked at the growing spirit of atheism, and moved for the promulgation of a decree, favorable to the cause of religion. By this ordinance, a periodical festival was instituted in honor of the Creator of the world, or the Supreme Being; the propriety of public worship was allowed; and the immortality of the soul was recommended to universal belief. The clergy of the old school, however, were still harassed, and in danger of exile or confinement, until the legislature, in the year 1797, released them from the oaths with which their consciences were offended, and merely required them to promise submission to the government. Two years before this concession was obtained, five bishops had ventured to address a circular letter to the clergy; in which they affirmed, that religion, in the altered government of their country, had no longer a political foundation; that the connexion was dissolved between the church and the state; that the former still expected justice and protection from the latter; but, being left to itself, was obliged to take measures for the establishment of doctrinal uniformity and general regularity of discipline. They recognised the pope as the head of the church, and acknowleged the doctrines of catholicism, as interpreted and explained by Bossuet, the cele brated bishop of Meaux ".

n See Mosheim's History, cent. xvii. sect ii. part i. chap. i,

Before the end of the same year, another letter was addressed to the friends of the church, proposing ten metropolitan churches for the whole republic, and a bishopric for each department; recommending a popular election both of prelates and parochial ministers; disowning the authority of apostolical vicars, or papal delegates, and advising the peremptory rejection of all bulls or briefs from Rome, unless it should fully appear that they were consonant with the ordinances and the spirit of the Gallican church °.

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When a sufficient time had been allowed for the operation of these letters, and for the private influence of clerical exhortations, an ecclesiastical council met in the French metropolis P, consisting of thirtyeight prelates, and fifty-three representatives of the inferior clergy. The members agreed to a profession of faith, founded on the creed promulgated, in 1560, by pope Pius IV. 9; but they were not so bigoted to this faith, as to give license or encouragement to the perpetration of any acts of violence under the pretence of defending it. However the church might be called militant, "it knew and authorised no other arms (they said) than prayer and the word of God." The country, they added, might be lawfully defended by the people, with the arm of flesh; and the clergy were desired to inculcate the propriety and justice of such patriotic hostilities: but the church ought only to defend itself by spiritual arms. Episcopacy was declared to be essential to the proper government of the church; but royalty, of which that system was the usual accompaniment among Christian nations, did not meet with so favorable a testimony; for it was enjoined that royalty should be the object of determined hatred, because a proper knowlege of national interest strongly condemned that form of government; and it was affirmed, that the exaction of an oath,

Lettre Encyclique de plusieurs Evêques de France, à leurs Frères, et aux Eglises vacantes, 1795.

P On the 15th of August, 1797.

9 See Mosheim, cent. xvi. sect. iii. part i. chap. i.