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the Evangelists, that he said, “I thirft;" and that they filled a spunge with vinegar, and put it to his mouth. “ After he had tatted the vinegar," knowing that all things were now accomplished, and the scripture fulfilled, he said, “ It is finished;" that is, This offered draught of vinegar was the last circumstance predicted by an ancient prophet that remained to be fulfilled. The vis' fion and the prophecy are now sealed : the Molaic disa pensation is cloied. " And he bowed his head, and gave up the ghoit." --Significantly was the veil of the temple rent in this hour; for the glory then departed from between the cherubims. The legal high priest delivered up his Urim and Thummim, his breast-plate, his robes, and his incense ; and Christ stood forth as the great High-priest of all succeeding generations. By that one facrifice which he now offered, he abolished facrifices for ever. - Altars, on which the fire had blazed for
ages were now to finoke no more. Victims were no more to bleed. “ Nut with the blood of bulls and goats, but with his own blood, he now entered into the Holy Płace, there to appear in the presence of God for us.''
This was the hour of association and union to all the worshippers of God. When Christ said “ It is finithed," he threw down the wall of partition which had so long divided the Gentile from the Jew. He gathered into one, all the faithful, out of every kindred and people. He proclaimed the hour to be come, when the knowledge of the true God should be no longer confined to one nation, nor his worship to one temple ; but over all the earth, the worBippers the Father should « ferve him in fpirit and in truth.” From that hour, they who dwelt in the “ uttermost ends of the earth, ftrangers to the covenant of promise," began to be“ brought nigh.” In that hour, the light of the gospel dawned from afar on the British islards.
This was the hour of Christ's triumph over all the powers of darkness; the hour in which he overthrew dominions and thrones, “ led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men.” The contest which the kingdom of darkness had long maintained against the kingdom of light, was now brought to its critis. The period was come, when “ the feed of the woman should bruise the
head of the serpent." For many ages, the most gross fuperftition had filled the earth. ~ The glory of the incorruptible God was” every where, except in the land of Judea, “ changed into images made like to corruptible man, and to birds, and beasts, and creeping things." The world, which the Almighty created for himself, seemed to have become a temple of idols. Even to vices and passions altars were raised; and what was in. titled Religion, was, in effect, a discipline of impurity. In the mid It of this universal darkness, Satan had erected his throne ; and the learned and polished, as well as the savage nations, bowed down before him. But at the hour when Christ appeared on the cross, the signal of his defeat was given. His kingdom fuddenly departed from him ; the reign of Idolatry passed away: He was
“ beheld to fall like lightning from heaven. In that hour, the foundation of every Pagan temple thook; the statue of every false god totiered on its bale; the priest fled from his falling Ahrine ; and the heathen oracles became dumb for ever.
Death also, the lalt foe of man, was the victim of tl'is hour. The formaidable appearance of the spectre remained, but his dart was taken away : for, in the hour when Christ expiated guilt, he disarmed death, by se curing the resurrection of the just. When he said to his penitent fellow-fufferer, “ To-day thou fhalt be with me in paradise,” he announced to all his followers the certainty of heavenly bliss, He declared “ the cheru. bims" to be dismissed, and the “ flaming fword” to be fieathed, which had been appointed at the fall “ to keep from man the way of the Tree of life.” Faint, before this period, had been the hope, indistinct the prospect, which even good men enjoyed of the heavenly kingdom. “. Life and immortality were now brought to light.” From the hill of Calvary, the first clear and certain view was given to the world of the everlafting manfions. Since that hour, they have been the perpetual consolation of believers in Chrift. Under trouble, they footh their minds ; amiilit temptation, they support their virtue ; and, in their dying moments, enable them to say, “O death! where is thy iting? O grave! where is thy victory I'll
SE C TI O N II.
ELOQUENCE OF THE SENATE.
I. Speech of the Earl of Chesterfield, in the House of Lords,
Feb. 23. 1740, on the Pension Bill. My LORDS, IT is now so late, and so much has been said in favour
of the motion for the second reading of the Pensioni Bill, by Lords much abler than I am, that I shall detail you but a very short while with what I have to lay up. on the subject. It has been laid by a Noble Duke, that. this bill can be looked on only as a bill for preventing a. grievance that is foreseen, and not as a bill for remedying a grievance that is already felt ; because it is not afferted, nor so much as infinuated in the preamble of the bill, that any corrupt practices are now made use of, for gaining an undue influence over the other House. My Lords; this was the very reason for bringing in the bill. They could not assert, that any such practices are now made use of; without a proof; and the means for coming at this proof, is what they want, and what they propose to get by this bill. They tulpect there are such practices, but they cannot prove it. The crime is of such a secret nature, that it can very seldom be proved by witnesses; and therefore they want to put it to the trial, at least, of being proved by the oath of one of the parties; which is a method often taken in cases that can admit of no other proof. This is, therefore. no argue : ment of the grievance not being felt; for a man may, yery sensibly, feel a grievance, and yet may not be able to prove it.
That there is a fufpicion of some such practices being now made use of, or that they will soon be made ule.of, the many remonftrances from all parts of the united kingdoms are a sufficient proof. That this fuf-picion has crept into the other House, their having fo frequently, fent up this bill is a manifest demonftration,
and a strong argument for its being neceflary to have some such bill passed into a law'. The other House must be allowed to be better judges of what passes, or must pass, within their own walls, than we can pretend to be. It is evident, they suspect that corrupt practices have been, or soon may be, made use of, for gaining an undue influence over foine of their measures; and they have calculated this bill for curing the evil if it is felt, for preventing it if it is only foreseen. That any such practices have been actually made use of, or are now made use of, is what I shall not pretend to affirm ; but I am sure I shall not affirm the contrary. If any such are made use of, I will, with confidence, vindicate his Majesty. I am sure he knows nothing of them. I am: sure he will disdain to suffer them : but I cannot pass; fuch a compliment upon his ministers, nor upon any fet of ministers that ever was, or ever will be, in this nation; and, therefore, I think I cannot more faithfully, more effectually, serye his present Majesty, as well as his successors, than by putting it out of the power of ministers to gain any corrupt influence over either House of Parliament. Such an attempt may be necessary for the security of the minister, but never can be neceffary for, must always be inconfiftent with, the security of his master : and the more necessary it is for the minifter's security, the more inconsistent it will always be : with the king's, and the mere, dangerous to the liberties of the nation.
To pretend, my Lords, that this bill diminishes, or any way encroaches upon the prerogative, is something very strange. What prerogative, my Lords ? Has the Crown a prerogative to bribe, to infringe the law, by fending its pensioners into the other House ? To fay fog, is destroying the credit, the authority of the Crown, under the pretence of supporting its prerogative. If his Majesty knew that any inan received a pension from him, or any thing like a pension, and yet kept his feat. in the other House, he would himself. declare it; or. withdraw his pension, because he knows it is against: law. This bill, therefore, no way diminishes or enacroaches upon the prerogatives of the Crown, which can: never be exercised but for the public good. It dimis
nishes only the prerogatives usurped by ministers, which are never exercised but for its destruction. The Crown may still reward merit in the proper way, that is openly.' The bill is intended, and can operate only against clandestine rewards, or gratuities given by ministers. These are fcandalous, and never were, nor will be,
given but for fcandalous services.
It is very remarkable, my Lords, it is even diverting, to see such a squeainishness about perjury upon this occasion, amongst those, who, upon other occasions, have invented and enacted multitudes of oaths, to be taken by men who are under great temptations, from their private intereft, to be guilty of perjury. Is not this the case of almost every oath that relates to the collection of the public revenue, or to the exercise of any office? Is not this perjury one of the chief objections made by the Disfenters againft the Teft and Core poration Act? And shall we how a less concern for the preservation of our constitution, than for the preserva-tion of our church ?. The reverend bench should be cau. tious of making use of this argument ; for if they will not allow us an oath for the preservation of the former, it may induce many people to think, they ought not to be allowed an oath for the preservation of the latter.
By this time, I hope, my Lords, all the inconveni ences pretended to arise from this bill have vanished ; and therefore I shall consider some of the arguments brought to show that it is not necessary. Here I must observe, that most of the arguments made use of for: this purpose, are equally strong for a repeal of the laws we have already in being against admitting pensioners to, fit and vote in the other House. If it be impossible to fuppose, that a gentleman of great estate and ancient family can, by a pension, be influenced to do what he ought not to do; and if we must suppose, that none. but such gentlemen can ever get into the other House, I am sure the laws for preventing pensioners from having seats in that House are quite unnecessary, and ought to be repealed. Therefore, if these arguments prevail with your Lordships to put a negative upon the present question, I shall expect to see that negative fola lowed by a motion for the repeal of those laws; nay, in :