共叔段欲立之亟請於武公公弗許及莊公卽位爲之請制公日制巖邑也虢叔死焉他邑唯命請京使居之 將不堪公曰姜氏欲之焉辟害對日姜氏何厭之有不如早爲之所無使滋蔓蔓難圖也蔓草猶不 秋七月天王使宰咺來歸惠公仲子之贈紱且子氏未薨故名天子七月而葬同軌畢至諸侯五月同盟至大 ○八月紀人伐夷夷不告故不書今有蜚不爲災亦不書 惠公之季年敗宋師于黄公立而求成焉九月及宋人盟于宿始通也 GP冬十月庚申改葬惠公公弗臨故不書惠公之薨也有宋師太子少葬故有闕是以改葬合術俟來會葬不 小衆 非書念不人,弗子邾南王取 斂王二亦新書鄭許豫子鄙師 衞公 故卒命月非作非人遂豫使請虢延為 日،與 今鄭共叔 伯命門命于及往于于伐人伐奔 見公亦不書 I. 1 [It was his] first year, the spring, the king's first month. 2 In the third month, the duke and E-foo of Choo made a 3 covenant in Mëeh. In summer, in the fifth month, the earl of Ching overcame 4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the [sub-] administrator Heuen with a pres ent of [two] carriages and their horses for the funerals of duke Hwuy and [his wife] Chung Tsze. 5 In the ninth month, [the duke] and an officer of Sung made a covenant in Suh. 6 In winter, in the twelfth month, the earl of Chae came [to Loo]. 7 Kung-tsze Yih-sze died. TITLE OF THE WORK. "The Spring and Autumn; with the Tso Chuen.' 'Spring and Autumn' is equivalent to 'Annals, digested under the four seasons of every year,' only two seasons being given for the sake of brevity. The subject of the name is fully discussed in the Prolegomena, ch. I. I have printed all the text of Tso Kew-ming, immediately after the year of the Classic to which it belongs. Where his remarks are simply comments on the text, I have embodied them with my own notes. His narratives, however, are all translated entire, and the additional narratives which he gives, not belonging to events referred to in the text, and indicated by a are included in the notes, within brackets. Loo. By her Hwuy had a son of higher dignity than Yin, in consequence of the superior position of his mother, and who afterwards made himself duke Hwan. This child being too young to take charge of the State on his father's death, was set aside in favour of Yin, who, however, only considered himself as occupying in room of his younger brother till the latter should come of age. Yin's name was Seih-koo(), Yin being the honorary or sacrificial title conferred after his death, and meaning, Sorrowfully swept away, unsuccessful ( Loo was only a marquisate. Its chiefs were not dukes. Throughout the Ch'un Ts'ëw, however, we find the chiefs even of the smaller States all dignified with the title of 'duke' after their death. Maou K'e-ling ingeniously historiographers,' referring to the commencing words in The Speech at Pe' (Shoo V. xxix.) TITLE OF THE BOOK.-A, 'Duke Yin.' Of the 12 dukes of Loo, whose years are chroni-explains this as an instance of the style of the cled in the Chun Ts'ew, Yin is the first, his rule extending from B.C. 721-711. From the establishment of Pih-k'in, son of the famous duke of Chow, as marquis of Loo, in B.C. 1,114, there, whereas, in the Preface to the Shoo, had been 13 chiefs. Yin's father and predecessor, duke Hwuy (A), married first a daughter of the House of Sung(); and on her death he supplied her place with Shing Tsze (#), one of her relatives who had followed her from Sung to the harem of Loo. This lady was the mother of Yin; but duke Hwuy by and par. 66, instead of A, we read 魯侯 (the marquis of Loo.' The confusion which is caused, however, by the practice, in the narratives of Tso Kew-ming is very great, as he uses now the name with the title of rank, and now the honorary name and title of duke, with the most entire indifference. Yin's 1st year synchronized with the 49th of by took as a second wife the daughter of the king Ping (E); the 9th year of He of duke Woo(武) of Sung, called 仲子. Acc. to Ts'e(齊僖公); the 2d of Goh of Tsin (晉 Tso-she, she had been born with some remarka ble lines on one of her hands, which were read as ; the 11th of Chwang of Keuh-yuh meaning that she would become marchioness of; the 13th of Hwan of Wei (); the 28th of Seuen of Ts'ae A); the 22d of Chwang of Ching ; the 35th of Hwan of Ts'aou (A); the 23d of Hwan of Chin (; the 29th of Woo of Ke (杷武公); the 7th of The remaining character in this par. occasions the foreign student considerable perplexity. The commencement of the year was really in the 2d month of winter, and yet it is here said to have been in the spring--春王正月 We have spring when it really was not spring. the seasons- -春夏秋冬, only denote in It was, no doubt, a perception of the inconvenience of such a calendar which made Confucius, Par. 1. This paragraph, it will be seen, is in- loyal as he was to the dynasty of Chow, say that he preferred that of Hëa to it. Strange as complete, the adjunct merely of a it is to read of spring, when the time is really which is found at the beginning of nearly every other book. The reason of the incompleteness will be considered below. winter, and of winter when the season is still autumn, it will appear, as we go on, that such is really the style of the Ch'un Ts'ëw. Maou, fully admitting all this, yet contends for a strange interpretation of the text, in which he joins and together, making the phrase to stand for the kings of Chow,-'Spring kings,' who reigned by the virtue of wood, the first of , the prince's 1st year.' Too Yu tries the five elements(五行之首). He presses, to find a deeper meaning in the phrase, saying that the 1st year of a rule stands to all the fol- in support of this view, the words of Tso-she on lowing years in the relation of the original this paragraph,-ЕM EA, chaos to the subsequent kosmos, and is therefore called yuen, to intimate to rulers that from the first moment of their sway they are to advance in the path of order and right. This considera tion explains also, he thinks, the use of E, which show, he says, that Tso-she joined with E, as he himself would do; but Tso-she's evi language need not be so construed, and "the right month,' for 'the 1st month (dently stands by itself, just as the names of the 君卽位,欲其體元以居正故 X-- The Urh-ya, however, gives Eas-, 'the most elevated,' other seasons do. We come now to the incompleteness of the par., already pointed out. According to the analogy of the style in the first years of other dukes, it month of it, the duke took the place (É should be stated that in his 1st year and the 1st of his predecessor. According to the rule of Chow, on the death of a sovereign-and all the princes were little kings in their several States his successor, acknowledged to be such as the chief mourner on the occasion and taking the direction of the proper ceremonies for the departed, ascended the throne by the bier.' There is an interesting account of such an accession in the Shoo, V. xxii. The thing was done so hurriedly because the State could not be a single 'the senior.' But in the denomination of the 1st month as the right or correct month,' we must acknowledge a recognition of what are called 'the three ching (E),'-the three different months, with which the dynasties of Hea, Shang, and Chow commenced the year. Hea began the year with the 1st month of spring; Shang, a month, and Chow, 2 months earlier. It became so much a rule for the beginning of the year to be changed by every new dynasty, that Ts'in made its first month commence a lunation before that of Chow. To a remark of Confucius, Ana. XV. X., we are in-,' or because, as we phrase it, ‘the debted for the disuse of this foolish custom, so that all dynasties have since used 'the seasons of Hea.'-After all, there remains the question why the first month of the year should be called ching (E). -the king's first month.' The 'king' here can hardly be any other than P'ing, the king of Chow for the time then being, as Too Yu says; and in this style does the account of very many of the years of the Ch'un Ts'ew begin, as if to do homage to the supremacy of the reigning House. Kung-yang makes the king to be Wăn; but though he was the founder of the Chow dynasty, the commencement of the year was not yet changed in his time. day without a sovereign(國家不可一 king never dies.' What remained of the year, was Par. 2. There was nothing proper for record in the 1st and 2d months of the year, and we come here to the third month. Choo (we have Choo-low,, in Kung-yang) was a small State, nearly all surrounded by Loo, the pres. dis. of Tsow (), dep. Yen-chow. At this time it was only a Foo-yung (), attached to Loo (see Mencius, V., ii. 4.); but in a few years after this its chief was raised to the dignity of viscount (†). The House had the surname of Ts'aou (H), and had been invested with the territory by king Woo, as being de scended from the ancient emperor Chuen-hëuh. The chief's name, as we learn afterwards from the Ch'un Ts'ëw, was K'ih (†); E-foo (X, read in the 2d tone, found appended to many designations, by way of honour) is his designation (), given to him here, says Tso-she,' by way of honour,' for which remark there seems to be no ground. Mëeh (Kuh and Kung both have, with the same sound) was a place belonging to Loo,—in the pres. dis. of Sze-shwuy , dep. Yen-chow. We know nothing of any special object sought by the 'covenanting' here. Tso-she merely says that the duke arranged for it to cultivate friendly relations with his neighbour, at the commencement of his temporary administration.heads the record, here and in most other accounts of meetings and covenants on the part of the marquises of Loo with other princes;-an order proper in the historiographers of that State. I can think of no better word for than 'covenant,' 'to covenant.' On all occasions there was the death of a victim, over which the contracting parties appealed to superior Powers, wishing that, if they violated the terms of their covenant, they might meet with a fate like that of the slain animal. One de finition of the term is 誓約 'an agreement with an oath.' Compare the account of Jacob and Laban's covenant, Genesis, xxxi. The after is to be taken as simply fil, 'with;' 'and.' Kung, Kuh, and others find recondite meanings in it, which will not bear examination. [Tso-she, after this paragraph, gives an incident of the 4th month, in summer, that 'the earl of Pe led a force, and walled Lang,' adding that no record of it was made, because it was not done with the duke's order. See the 1st note on 'The speech at Pe' in the Shoo. I have translated the notice according to the view of Ch'in Sze-k‘ae given there; but Tso-she could not have intended to be taken as mean ing Earl of Pe,' but merely 'Pih (some scion of the House of Loo) of Pe.'] Par. 3. Ch'ing was an earldom which had not been of long duration. In B.C. 805, king Seuen had invested his brother Yew (with the lands of Ching, in the pres. Hwa Chow (), dep. T'ung-chow, Shen-se. Yew's son, Keueh-tuh con (掘突), known as duke Woo (武公), quered a territory more to the east, the country of Kwoh and Kwei (t) – and settled in it, calling it 'New Ching;-the name of which is still retained in the district of Sinching), dep. K‘ae-fung, Ho-nan. Woo's son, Woo-shang (4), known as duke Chwang (E) and born in B. C. 756, is the earl of this par. Twan was his younger brother. Yen has left its name in the dis. of Yen-ling B Tso-she's account of the event in the text is the following: 'Duke Woo of Ch'ing had married a daughter of the House of Shin, called Woo Keang, who bore duke Chwang and his brother Twan of Kung. Duke Chwang was born as she was waking from sleep [the meaning of the text here is uncertain], which frightened the lady so that she named him Woo-shang (= born in waking), and hated him, while she loved father's heir. Often did she ask this of duke Twan, and wished him to be declared his Woo, but he refused it. When duke Chwang came to the earldom, she begged him to confer on Twan the city of Che. "It is too dangerous a place," was the reply. "The Younger of Kwoh died there; but in regard to any other place, you may command me." She then requested King; and there Twan took up his residence, and came to be styled Tae-shuh (the Great Younger) of King city. Chung of Chae said to the duke, "Any metropolitan city, whose wall is more than 3,000 cubits round, is dangerous to the State. According to the regulations of the former kings, such a city of the 1st order can have its wall only a third as long as that of the capital; one of the 2d order, only a fifth as long; and one of the least order, only a ninth. Now King is not in accordance with these measures and regulations. As ruler, you will not be able to endure Twan in such a place." The duke replied, "It was our mother's wish;-how could I avoid the danger?" "The lady Këang," re turned the officer, "is not to be satisfied. You not allow the danger to grow so great that it had better take the necessary precautions, and Even grass, will be difficult to deal with it. when it has grown and spread all about, cannot be removed;-how much less the brother of yourself, and the favoured brother as well!" The duke said, " By his many deeds of unrighteousness he will bring destruction on himself. Do you only wait a while." 'After this, T'ae-shuh ordered the places on the western and northern borders of the State to render to himself the same allegiance as they did to the earl. Then Kung-tsze Leu said to the duke, "A State cannot sustain the burden of two services; what will you do now? If you wish to give Ching to T'ae-shuh, allow me to serve him as a subject. If you do not mean to give it to him, allow me to put him out of the way, that the minds of the people be not perplexed." "There is no need," the duke replied, “for such a step. His calamity will come of itself." "Tae-shuh went on to take as his own the places from which he had required their divided contributions, as far as Lin-yen. Tsze-fung [the designation of Kung-tsze Leu above] said, "Now is the time. With these enlarged resources, he will draw all the people to himself." The duke replied, "They will not cleave to him, so unrighteous as he is. Through his prosperity he will fall the more.". Tae-shuh wrought at his defences, gathered the people about him, put in order buff-coats and weapons, prepared footmen, and chariots, intending to surprise Ch'ing, while his mother was to open to him from within. The duke heard the time agreed on between them, and said, "Now we can act." So he ordered Tsze-fung, with two hundred chariots, to attack King. King revolted from T'ae-shuh, who then entered Yen, which the duke himself proceeded to attack; and in the 5th month, on the day Sin-ch'ow, T'ae-shuh fled from it to Kung. ed over to and affected duke Chwang. Was there not here an illustration of what is said in the Book of Poetry, "A filial son of piety unfailing, There shall for ever be conferred blessing on you?" Space would fail me were I to make any remarks on the criticisms interspersed by Tso-she in this and other narratives, or vindicate the translation of his narratives which I give. The readChuen, the Confucian text would give very little er will perceive that without the history in the idea of the event which it professes to record; and there are numberless instances, more flagrant still, in the Book. The #, who moralizes, is understood to be Tso-she himself. We have no other instance in the Ch'un Ts'ëw of as in this paragraph. used Par. 4. E, Heaven's king,' or 'king by Heaven's grace,' is of course king Ping. The sovereign of China, as Heaven's vice-gerent over the empire, is styled, 'Heaven's son;' in his relation to the feudal princes as their 'Heaven's king.' ter of the duke of Sung, who became the 2d wife of duke Hwuy as mentioned in the note on the title of this book; not Hwuy's mother, as Kuh-lëang absurdly says. is explained in In the words of the text, "The earl of ruler, he was called XE, Ch'ing overcame Twan in Yen," Twan is not called the earl's younger brother, because he did is the second Tsze,' i. e., the daughnot show himself to be such. They were as two hostile princes, and therefore we have the word "overcame." The duke is styled the earl of Ching simply, to condemn him for his failure to instruct his brother properly. Twan's flight is not mentioned, in the text, because it was difficult to do so, having in mind Ching's wish that Twan might be killed. the dict. as, 'presents to the dead,' and 所以助主人送葬者, ‘aids to the presiding mourner to bury his dead.' But such presents were of various kinds, and denotes the gift specially of one or more carriages and their horses. So both Kung and Kuh. The king sent such presents on the death of any of the princes or their wives; and here we have an instance in point. But there is much contention among the critics as to who the messenger was;-whether the king's chief Minister Immediately after these events, duke Chwang placed his mother Keang in Shing-ying, and swore an oath, saying, "I will not see you again, till I have reached the yellow spring [ie, till I am dead, and under the yellow earth]." But he repented of this. By and by, Ying K'aou-shuh, the border-warden of the vale of Ying, heard of it, and presented an offering to the duke, who caused food to be placed before him. K'aou-shuh put a piece of meat on one side; and when the duke asked the reason, he said, "I have a mother who always shares in), what I eat. But she has not eaten of this meat which you, my ruler, have given, and I beg to be allowed to leave this piece for her." The duke said, "You have a mother to give it to. Alas! I alone have none." K'aou-shuh asked what the duke meant, who then told him all the circumstances, and how he repented of his oath. "Why should you be distressed about that?" said the officer. "If you dig into the earth to the yellow springs, and then make a subterranean passage, where you can meet each other, who can say that your oath is not fulfilled?' The duke followed this suggestion; and as he entered the passage sang, "This great tunnel, within, With joy doth run." When his mother came out, she sang, "This great tunnel, without, The joy flies about." [After this, they were mother and son as before. 'A superior man may say, "Ying K'aou-shuh was filial indeed. His love for his mother pass or some inferior officer of his department. The former view is taken by Kuh-leang, and Tsew;-but, as I must think, erroneously. Unaffirmed by the editors of the K'ang-he Ch'un der theor were two 小宰 and four, called by Biot Grand-administrateur general, Sous-adminstrateurs generaux, and aides-administrateurs generaux.' It belonged to the department of the last, on all occasions of condolence, to superintend the arrangements, with every thing that was supplied by way of presents or offerings,-the silks, the utensils, the money, &c. (see the Chow Le, I., iii. 56-73). The officer in the text was, no doubt, one of these aid-administrators; and this removes all difficulty which the critics find in the mention of an officer of higher rank by his name. The rule was that princes should be buried five months after their death, and Tso-she says that the king's message and gift arrived too late, so far as duke Hwuy was concerned. This criticism may be correct; but he goes on to say |