可、州弗之禍禍順所子君義舊長夫能降不 桓吁聽無是也效謂孝義所小遠賤診

不驕驕而能降

游其乃務君逆六兄 臣 謂加間妨者 立禁子不去,人 順 愛行六 大親,貴、鮮憾 乃之厚可而以也弟逆淫新少憾能 老不與乎速將速去敬慈也破間陵且而降,

III. 1 In his third year, in spring, in the king's second month, on the day Ke-sze, the sun was eclipsed.

2

In the third month, on the day Kăng-seuh, the king [by]
Heaven's [grace] died.

3 In summer, in the fourth month, on the day Sin-maou,
[an officer of] the Yin family died.

4 In autumn, a son of the Woo family came [to Loo] to ask for the contribution of money towards the [king's] burial. In the eighth month, on the day Kăng-shin, Ho, duke of Sung, died.

5

6

7

In winter, in the twelfth month, the marquis of Ts'e and
the earl of Ch'ing made a covenant at Shih-mûn.
[On the day] Kwei-we, there was the burial of duke Muh
of Sung.

Par. 1. This is the 1st of the 36 eclipses of gave the wrong date, which was therefore recordthe sun mentioned in the Ch'un T'sëw. From ed; and Too Yu thinks the date was wrongly comthe table in the proleg. to the Shoo, pp. 103, 104, municated to hurry the princes to the capital. it will be seen that it occurred on the 14th But there must be some other way of explainFebruary, B. C. 719, being the 6th cycle day, or ing Tso-she's statement, if it be correct.-The Ke-sze, of the 3d month of the Chow year. There death of the sovereign was communicated to all is an error therefore in the text of 2 for 3. The the princes of the States, whose duty it then mathematicians of China were themselves aware was to send off to the capital a high minister to of this, as early as the Suy dynasty (A. D. 589- take part in the preliminary funeral rites, and 617). Evidently this year commenced on Ja-present the various offerings of money, silk, &c., nuary 16th, instead of a month earlier, by required on such an occasion. The princes some previous error of intercalation. Generally, themselves did not go to the capital till the time the character, the 1st day of the moon,' of burial was arrived. follows the name of the day of the eclipse; and as it is wanting here, Kung and Kuh conclude that the eclipse was really on the last day of the previous month. But this involves much greater

difficulty than to suppose that the was

omitted through inadvertence of the historio

graphers, or has dropt somehow out of the text.

Par. 3. Who is denoted by the

here

is all-undetermined. Tso-she reads instead

of, and is something like our royal

lady,' meaning duke Yin's mother. Kung-yang and Kuh-lëang both have and suppose that

日有食之=日有所食之者by 尹氏 is intended some minister at the court

The sun had something which was devouring it.' The phenomenon had suggested this idea to the earliest Chinese, and the phrase became stereotyped in the language. On the ceremonies observed at an eclipse, to save the sun,' see the Shoo, III. iv. 4, and note. Kung-yang thinks eclipses were recorded as extraordinary events (); but the K'ang-he editors approve rather the view that it was as calamitous presages (). Par. 2., the fall of a mountain,' is the appropriate term for the death of a sovereign. Tso she says that king Ping really died on the day Jin-seuh, i. e., 12 days before Kang-seuh, but that the official communication of the event

of Chow of that surname, intimating that

whatever office he held had become hereditary in his family. Many other explanations of the words have been attempted. The most probable appears to be that of Kin Le-ts'ëang (A. D. 1,232-1,303), which is strongly advocated by Maou, that the person intended was an officer of Ching, of whom we shall read in Tso-she's Chuen, on the duke's 11th year, where the text here will again be touched on. Tso-she says that the term is used here for the lady's

returning at mid-day from her burial, did not weep for her in his state apartment; 3d, he did not place her Spirit-tablet in the same shrine with that of Hwuy's grandmother, He adds that her burial is not recorded, because she is not styled, or [Hwuy's] wife; and that she is merely styled, without her surname, out of regard to the duke. [Much of this is needless trifling.]

[The Chuen has here the following narrative: "The dukes Woo and Chwang of Ch'ing had been

Here the Chuen has:-" "Duke Muh [Ho's sacrificial title] of Sung being ill, he called to him Kung-foo, his minister of War, and charged him to secure the succession to duke Shang, saying, "My predecessor passed by his son Yu-e, and left the State to unworthy me. I dare not forget his deed; and if by your powerful influence I succeed in preserving my head till I die in peace, should my brother ask about Yu-e, what answer shall I be able to return? beg you to secure him the appointment to be

I

lord of the altars, and then I shall be able to die without regret." The other replied, "All the "That

officers wish to support your son Ping."

must not be," said the duke. 66
My brother deem-
If I now throw away my virtue, and do not
ed me worthy, and made me lord of the altars.
yield the State to his son, I shall be nullifying
his promotion of me, and not worthy to be
deemed honourable. Should it not be my chief
object to illustrate brightly the excellent virtue
of my brother? Do not you, my friend and minis-
ter, nullify his merit." On this duke Muh's son,

when Muh died on the day Kăng-shin, in the 8th
month, duke Shang, succeeded him.-A sup-
duke Seuen (who preceded Muh) of Sung that he
erior man may say, "It may be pronounced of
knew men. He made Muh possess the State, and
his own son came afterwards to the enjoyment of
it; the charge was according to righteousness.

high ministers at the court of king Ping, and the king wished to divide the authority of Chwang between him and the duke of Kwoh. The earl resented the idea, and the king disclaimed it; and in consequence of this Chow and Ch'ing exchanged hostages, the king's son Hoo going as one to Ching, and the earl's eldest son Hwuh going to Chow. On the king's death, the other ministers at the court proposed giving Ch'ing's office to Kwoh; and in the 4th month Chae Tsuh [the same as Chung of Chae in the narrative under the 3d p. of 1st year] led a force and carri-Ping, was sent away to reside in Ching; and ed away the wheat of Wun, and in the autumn, also the rice about Ching-chow, from which ensued enmity between Chow and Ching-A superior man may say, "If there be not good faith in the heart, hostages are of no use. If parties act with intelligence and with mutual consideration, their actions under the rule of propriety, although there be no exchange of hostages, they cannot be alienated. When there are intelligence and sincerity, what is grown by streams in the valleys, by ponds, and in pools, the gatherings of duck-weed, white southernwood, and pond-weed, in baskets round and square, and cooked in pans and pots with the water from standing pools and road hollows, may be presented to the Spirits, and set before kings and dukes; —much more may we conclude that when two princes are contracting their States in good faith, and their proceedings are according to the proper rules, there is no good in hostages. In the 'Lessons from the States' we have the Ts'ae fan (She, I.ii. II.), and the Ts'ae pin (ib., IV.), and in the Ya we have the Hing Wei (III. ii. II.), and the Heung choh (ib., VII.); — pieces which all show how truthfulness of heart and good faith may be manifested with slight things.""]

Par. 4. We saw, in p. 4 of the 1st year, how the king sent funeral presents to Loo;-that was according to propriety. Now, on hearing of the king's death, Loo ought to have sent the proper presents to the court, and of money among them). The duke had not done so, failing in duty; and the court showed its weakness and want of self-respect in sending to ask for the contribution. The Woos must have been a family holding some hereditary office at court.

Par. 5. The death of the duke of Sung was communicated to Loo, and so the historiographers put it on record. The proper word for the death of the prince of a State is, but here we have ; the reason being that, in the records of Loo,could be used only of its own princes.

Are not the words in the sacrificial odes of
Shang.'

"Right is it that Yin should have the appoint

ment,

And sustain all the dignities (She, IV.iv.III.)," descriptive of such a case?']

Par. 6. Ts'e was one of the most powerful States, a marquisate, whose capital was Yingkew (), in pres. dis. of Lin-tsze

, dep. Tsing-chow; but it extended much beyond the boundaries of that department. Its princes had the surname of Keang (#), and traced their lineage up to the chief minister of Yaou.

Shih-mûn belonged to Ts'e;-in the south-west of Ch'ang-ts'ing() dis., dept. Tse-nan. It probably took its name from some 'Stone-gate' or embankment of the river Tse. Tso-she says that in connection with this meeting, the carriage of the earl of Ch'ing was overturned in the Tse.'

Par. 7. The duke of Sung is mentioned here, with his honorary or sacrificial title of Muh (Kung and Kuh have), the burial taking place, of course, in his own State. We might translate- We buried,' it being the rule that friendly States should send a great officer to represent them on such occasions;-and this Loo had here done.

tive about Wei:-
[The Chuen appends here the following narra-

'Duke Chwang of Wei had married the sister of Tih-shin, the heir-son of the marquis of Ts'e, known as Chwang Këang. She was beautiful but childless, and it was of her that the people of Wei made the song of "the Great Lady (She, I.v.III.).” The duke then married a daughter of the House of Ch'in, called Le Kwei, who had a son called

公陳侯蔡人衞人伐
公及宋公遇于清

問其侯方宋蔡爲若其而將欲公 公及為桓

東蔡睦人從主伐民求修
門人于許則做鄭使寵先之。
五衞衞之衞邑以告于
日人故于國以除于諸之衞
而伐宋 是之賦君宋,侯,
譞.鄭、公,陳願與害日,以
公圍陳蔡也。陳君君和

鄭。

立衞親于宰君,日朝可州之會不弗兵以于 晉人其陳 ̧醜敢衞陳日吁師,之 務戰無亂衆

子

衆逆是君涖即國使何未敗公侯合將衆以仲 也,公之子殺圖褊請 能鄭弗復德自安亂,日, 曰州之小必得和徒許伐而焚忍猶衞 晉乎石吁陳老可 覲其兵固 兵固鄭欲也,無治州 醋于人夫得日 日,民,取 取請宋以夫親絲吁 其而公亂州聚

衞人逆公子晉于邢冬十二月宣公卽位書日衛人

純濮執耄也。

臣石之矣厚

禾行使成吁,叛

也碏 無從公定而故來必弒親

惡使請能州方君還書不其離也對 涖為吁有于 日師免君難夫日 肇公矣。而以州臣

吁宰于也,如寵石
而獳衞,此陳于子。

厚羊九二石王石

與肩月人碏陳子
焉涖衞者使衞日,

大殺人實告方王

義石使弒于睦覲

虐濟吁間

滅厚右寡陳若為 侯師

乎也,阻聞

IV. 1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month,

an army of Keu invaded Ke, and took Mow-low.

2 [On the day]Mow-shin, Chow-yu of Wei murdered his ruler,

Hwan.

3 In summer, the duke and the duke of Sung met at Ts'ing. 4 The duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, an army of Ts‘ae, and an army of Wei invaked Ch'ing.

5 In autumn, Hwuy led a force, and joined the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the army of Ts'ae, and the army of Wei, in the invasion of Ching.

6

7

In the ninth month, the people of Wei put Chow-yu to
death in Puh.

In winter, in the twelfth month, the people of Wei raised
Tsin [to be marquis of the State].

Par. 1. Ke was a marquisate (its chiefs are also called earls and sometimes viscounts) whose

capital at this time was Yung-kew (雍邱)

in dis. of Ke, dept. Keae-fung. It lay between

Keu on the south, and Ts'e and Ke (細)

on

the north. Its chiefs were descendants of the great Yu, and of course had the surname Sze

取, ‘took,’ is said to denote that the place was easily taken. Keu seems to have retained it.

Kung and Kuh say that this capture, being al

together foreign to Loo, should not have been recorded; but that Confucius entered it, to show his hatred of such an outrage on the part of Keu, especially as this is the 1st instance of the capture by one State of a city of another, recorded in this classic. But, no doubt, the cap

(姒);一see Ana. III.v. The capital was changed | ture was announced by Ken to Loo, and the re

more than once in the period of the Ch'un Tsëw. Mow-low was on its southern border,

cord of it was en regle.

Par.2. 弑 is the term appropriate to the

near to Keu;–in dis. Choo-shing (諸城). murder of a ruler by a minister, or of a father

by a son. To understand the record fully, re-
fer to the last narrative under last year from
the Chuen. Kuh-lëang, here and below, has
for; and deep meanings are found in the
omission of 'duke's son,' before the
name;-about which we need not be particular.
was the name of the son of duke Chwang
of Wei, mentioned as himself duke Hwan (†)
in the narrative referred to. It might appear
that this par. belonged to the 2d month, but Too
Yu remarks that in that month there was no

| levies, as well as Ch'in and Ts'ae, will follow
you:-this is the desire of the State of Wei."
They acceded in Sung to the request; and as
Ch'in and Ts'ae were then friendly with Wei,
the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, an
army of Ts'ae, and an army of Wei, invaded
Ching, and laid siege for five days to the east-
ern gate of its capital;-when they returned.
"The duke of Loo asked Chung-chung whether
Chow-yu of Wei would accomplish his ambition.
"Your servant has heard," said the officer,
'that the people may be made well affected by
virtue; I have not heard that they can be made
so by violence. To use violence with that view
is like trying to put silk in order and only ravel-

Mow-shin day. The characters Eshould ling it. Chow-yu relies on his military force, and

be at the commencement of the par.

Par. 3. is simply 'to meet,' as if without previous agreement, and this is the meaning put on the term here; but such an interpretation would be meaningless. Why should a casual incident of that nature be recorded? In the Le Ke, I. Pt. II. ii. 12, we are told that 'interviews between the princes before the time agreed upon were called So Tso-she interprets the word here, and Too Yu calls the interview, a hurried arrangement.' Tso-she says:-In spring Chow-yu of Wei had murdered duke Hwan, and taken his place. The duke and the duke of Sung had arranged for a meeting as a sequel to their covenant at Suh [in the 1st year]; but before the time came, they got the news of the confusion in Wei.' In consequence of this, it would follow, they had only a hurried meeting. Tsing was in Wei,—in dis. of Tung-o (S), dep.

Yen-chow.

Par. 4. Ch'in was a marquisate, having its chief city in Yuen-k'ëw (B),—in pres. dis. of Hwae-ning (), dep. Ch'in-chow (so called from the ancient State), Ho-nan. Its chiefs were Kweis (), descended from Shun. Ch'in and Ts'ae were the most southern of the States of China proper in this period, and exposed consequently to danger from the barbarous Ts'oo, by which they were ultimately absorbed. Ts'ae also was a marquisate, with which king Woo invested his brother Shuh-too at the commencement of the dynasty;-in dep. Joo-ning

(汝),
), Ho-nan. Its capital at this time was
in Shang-tsae () dis. To understand
the par., we must keep in mind the Chuen un-
der par. 5, last year. Tso-she adds here:-
When Shang came to the dukedom of Sung,
Ping, the son of duke Muh, fled to Ching, where
there was a wish to vindicate his right to Sung.
And now, when Chow-yu had made himself
marquis of Wei, he thought at once of putting
to rights his father's grudge against Ch'ing [see
the 2d Chuen after p. 5, 1st year], and of getting
for himself the favour of the princes, in order to
make his people better affected. He sent a
message, therefore, to the duke of Sung, saying,
"If you will invade Ch'ing to remove the danger
that is there to yourself [i.e. Muh's son Ping],
you shall be chief of the expedition; and all my

Mili

can do cruel things. For his military likings
the multitude will not cleave to him; and for
his cruelty his relatives will not. With the multi-
tude rebellious, and his friends leaving him, it
will be difficult for him to be successful.
tary weapons are like fire; if you don't lay the
fire aside, it will burn yourself. Chow-yu
murdered his prince, and he uses his people
oppressively, thus not making excellent virtue
his pursuit, but wishing to succeed by vio-
lence; he will certainly not escape calamity.""

Par. 5. This Hwuy was an officer of Loo, a son, indeed, of the previous duke. He was afterwards concerned in the murder of duke Yin; and Kung and Kuh think that he is here mentioned simply by his name, denuded of the 'duke's son,' as the sage's punishment of him for his share in that deed. But this view is

quite inadmissible. Tso-she thinks the omission

shows Confucius' dislike of him in the incident here mentioned; but neither need we suppose that. The historiographers had merely entered his name

The is little more than the

of other paragraphs. The Chuen is:-'In the autumn, the princes again invaded Ch'ing, and the duke of Sung sent to ask the assistance of a force from Loo. Yu-foo [the designation of this Hwuy] asked leave to join them with a force. The duke refused, when he strongly urged his the text, expressive of dislike to his conduct. request, and went. Hence the brief record of The army of the princes defeated the footmen of Ching, carried off the paddy from the fields, and returned.'

Par. 6. Here and in p.7,衞人 denotes

'the people of Wei,' as if the things recorded had the consent, and were, indeed, the doing of them all. Chow-yu might have been mentioned as

being the ruler de facto; but he had had occupied his position only for a short time, and the marquis Hwan was not yet buried.

Puh was in Ch'in, near a river so named. Tsoshe gives the following account of Chow-yu's death:

'Chow-yu finding himself unable to attach the people to himself, Shih Tsëoh's son How asked his father how to establish the prince in the State. Shih said, "It may be done by his going and having an audience of the king." "But how can this audience be obtained?" Hwan of Ch'in," replied the father, "is now in favour with the king, and Ch'in and Wei are on friendly terms. If the marquis go to the court of Ch'in, and get the duke to ask an

"Duke