that Chung Tsze was not yet dead, and the message and gift were too early, so far as she was concerned. The king could never have been guilty of such an impropriety as to anticipate the lady's death in this way, and the view of Tso-she can only provoke a smile. He adds:-The king's burial took place 7 months after his death, when all the feudal princes were expected to be present. The prince of a State was buried 5 months after his death, when all the princes, with whom he had covenanted, attended. The funeral of a great officer took place 3 months after his death, and was attended by all of the same rank; that of an officer, at the end of a month, and was attended by his relatives by affinity. Presents on account of a death were made before the burial, and visits of condolence were paid before the grief had assumed its greatest demonstrations. It was not proper to anticipate such occurrences.' On first translating the Ch'un Ts'ëw, I construed the par. as if these were a between and, and supposed that only one carriage and its horses were sent for the funeral of Chung Tsze, who had been the wife of Hwuy. I gave up the construction in deference to the prevailing opinion of the commentators; but it had been adopted by no less a scholar than Ch'ing E (程頤; A. D. 1033–1107). [Tso-she has here two other entries under this season:-'In the 8th month an officer of Ke attacked E;' and 'There were locusts.' He adds that E sent no official announcement of the attack to Loo, and that therefore it was not recorded; and that no notice was entered of the locusts, because they did not amount to a plague.] Par. 5. Sung was a dukedom,-having its chief city in the pres. dis. of Shang-k'ew EB, dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. The charge given to the viscount of Wei on his being appointed to the State is still preserved in the Shoo, V. viii. The dukes of Sung were descended from the kings of Yin or Shang; and of course their sur name was Tsze (F). Suh was a small State, in the present Tung-ping() Chow, dep. T'ae-gan, Shan-tung. It was thus near Loo, but a good way from Sung. Its chiefs were barons with the surname Fung (). Tso-she tells us that in the last year of duke Hwuy, he defeated an army of Sung in Hwang, but that now duke Yin sought for peace. It was with this object that the covenant in the text was made. I translate as if preceded, for so the want must generally be supplied throughout the classic. Kung and Kuh both understand some inferior officer of Loo (1), but in other places they themselves supply. By A, however, we must understand an officer of Sung. It is better to translate so than to say simply 'a man of Sung.' [Between this par. and the next Tso-she has the three following narratives: 'In winter, in the 10th month, on the day Kang-shin, the body of duke Hwuy was removed and buried a second time.' As the duke was not present, the event was not recorded. When duke Hwuy died, there was war with Sung, and the heir-prince was young, so that there was some omission in the burial. He was therefore now buried again, and in another grave. The marquis of Wei came to be present at the burial. He did not have an interview with the duke, and so his visit was not recorded.' 'After the confusion occasioned by Kung-shuh of Ch'ing, Kung-sun Hwah [Twan or Kungshuh's son] fled to Wei, and the people of Wei attacked Ching in his behalf, and requested Lin-yen for him. Ching then attacked the southern border of Wei, supported by a king's army and an army of Kwoh, and also requested the aid of troops from Choo. The viscount of Choo sent a private message to Kung-tsze Yu of Loo, who asked leave from the duke to go. It was refused; but he went and made a cove nant with an officer of Choo and an officer of Ching in Yih. No record was made of this, because Yu's going was against the duke's order.' 'The southern gate of the city was made new.' It was done without the duke's order, and so was not recorded.] Par. 6. Chae [so is here read] was an earldom, in the present Ching Chow (», dep. K'ae-fung, held by the descendants of one of the duke of Chow's sons. Acc. to Tso-she the earl here was a minister at court., and came to Loo, for what purpose we know not, without the orders of the king. Kung-yang, indeed, thinks he came as a refugee, and that 1 is the designation of the individual merely (†), and not his title; while Kuh-lëang makes the coming to have been to do a sort of homage to duke Yin. But this is simply guess work. Par. 7. Of Yih-sze we know nothing but what this brief par. tells. whether the son of 公子 as if it He was 'a duke's son,' but Hwuy, or of Hwuy's father, we cannot tell, It is best in such a case to take were the surname. So Ho Hew (何休) says here, 公子者氏也 Kuh-lëang finds a condemnation of Yih-sze in the omission of the day of his death; but the old method of interpretation which found praise or blame in the mention of or silence as to days, in the use of the name, the designation, the title, and such matters, is now discarded. is the proper term to use for the death of an officer. Tso-she gives the designation of Yih-sze as Chung-foo, and says that the day of his death is not recorded, because the duke did not attend at the ceremony of dressing the corpse, to it into the coffin. 亂伐魯子為 勝 也。衞,故帛,君裂好秋之駭以而 討也。莒逆獳也。 入姜歸向, 子也。來 于 極氏夏 盟 逆 唐、 費還。 費還莒姜 公司 公公公 II. 1 In his second year, in spring, the duke had a meeting with the [chief of the] Jung at Tsëen. 2 In summer, in the fifth month, an army of Keu entered 3 4 Heang. Woo-hëae led a force and entered Keih. In autumn, in the eighth month, [on the day] Kăng-shin, the duke made a covenant with the Jung at T'ang. 5 In the ninth month, Le-seu of Ke came to meet the bride 6 [for his prince]. In winter, in the tenth month, the duke's eldest daughter went to her home in Ke. 7 Tsze-pih of Ke and the count of Keu made a covenantat Meih. In the twelfth month, on the day Yih-maou, the [duke's] 8 of low rank. The term, 'entered,' occurs frequently of military expeditions; implying, says Kuh, that the entering is against the will of the invaded party(); that the country or city is entered, but not retained,' says Kung. But there are instances in which the entering was followed by the entire subjugation and occupancy of the place or State; and this was probably the case in regard to Keu and Heang, though the language of Tso-she translated above has been pleaded against this conclusion. implies invasion and capture in the present; what was done subsequently cannot be learned from the term. Par. 1. There is wanting here the character ,'king,' after, probably because no month is specified under whose regimen it should be. Jung is properly the name of the wild tribes on the west of 'the Middle State (P);' but in the time of Chow there were many of these tribes, and not those of the west only, settled in China along the seaboard and by the rivers, remnants of the older inhabitants, not yet absorbed by the Chinese proper. We know, from the Shoo, V. xxix., that Loo was troubled even in the days of Pih-k'in by the E of the Hwae and the Jung of Seu. The Jung in the text may have been a remnant of the latter. Too Yu says their settlement was in what is now the the dis. of Ts'aou (), dep. Ts'aou-chow. He says also that Ts'ëen was a town of Loo, somewhere in the southwest of Ts'aou-chow dep. is-met with the Jung.' Kuh-leang says the term implies that the meeting originated with the other party, and not with Loo, and that the duke went out of his own State to it. Ho Hew on Kung-yang also advocates this view. But the meaning of is not to be so determined; and, acc. to Too Yu, the place of meeting was in Loo. Tso-she says the duke's object was to cultivate the old friendship which his father had main-tainly shows how loosely the reins of government tained with the Jung, but that he declined to enter into a covenant, which the Jung wished him to make. Par. 2. Keu has left its name in Keu Chow, dep. E-chow. It extended east from Loo to the seaboard. Its chiefs were viscounts, and claimed to be descended from the old Shaou-haou, Hwang-te's successor. There is some difficulty about their surname, whether it was Ying (or Sze (E). Heang was a small State, within the boundaries of Keu. Too Yu, indeed, would place it in the pres. dis. of Hwae-yuen(), dep. Fung-yang), Gan-hwuy. There was a Heang there, but it And there were two Heang in the pres. Shantung, one of them 70le from Keu Chow, which was, probably, that here. The chief of Heang Par. 3. Woo-hëae (Kuh reads, here and subsequently, 核 ) was an officer of Loo,-a scion of the ruling House, belonging to a branch which had not yet received a surname of its own. Tsoshe says he was Loo's minister of Works, and adds that at this time he was defeated by K'in-foo of Pe,-the same who walled Lang in the previous year. Keih was a small attached State,—referred to the dis. of Yu-t'ae(), dep. Yen-chow. The incident given here is said to be the first in the Ch'un Ts'ew of officers taking it upon themselves to institute warlike movements. It cer were held by the marquises of the State. Par. 4. T'ang was a place belonging to Loo, -its site 12 le east from the pres. dis. city of Yu-t'ae. Tso-she says that the Jung at the meeting in spring had requested a covenant which the duke then refused, granting it now, however, on a second application, The text says this covenant was made on the day Kăng-shin, the 17th of the cycle; and Too Yu observes that in the 8th month of this year there was no Kangshin day, and concludes that there is an error in the text of the 8th month for the 7th, the 9th day of which was Kăng-shin. His calculation, however, proceeds on the supposition that the 1st year of Yin began with the day Sin-sze (). If we make it begin a month later, with the day Sin-hae (), according to another scheme, we get the day Kăng-shin in the 8th month of this 2d year. But the Sinhad the surname Këang () as we learn hae scheme fails in other instances. The chronologers of China have toiled admirably on the from what Tso-she says on the par.:-The months and days of the Ch'un Ts'ëw; but thus viscount of Keu had married a daughter of far with only partial success. The dates in the Heang, but she could not rest in Keu, and classic and those in Tso-she's Chuen are often went back to Heang. This summer, an army irreconcileable. Two data are necessary to a from Keu entered Heang, and took the lady complete scheme,-that the day on which the Këang back to Keu.' I translate by 1st year of Yin began be known with certainty, and that the intercalary months in subsequent 'the army of Keu,' after Maou (years be ascertained. Neither of these data can was too far from Keu to be that in the text. be got. See Mr. Chalmers' essay on the Astronomy of the ancient Chinese, in the prolegomena to the Shoo, pp. 90-102. Par. 5. Ke was a small State, a marquisate, in the dis. of Show-kwang (), dep. Ts'ing-chow. It lay between Ke () on the south and Ts'e on the north; and we shall find, ere long, that it was absorbed by Ts'e. Le-seu (Tso-she has was the name of a minister 2 of Ke. We know that he comes here to meet his friend, the scholar Wang Taou, has suggested prince's bride from the phrase 逆女, for, when a minister is described as coming to Loo to meet a lady of the House for himself, he is said that the chiefs of Keu themselves occupied origin ally in the territory of Lae-chow, and might claim jurisdiction over places there after they moved to the south. There was another Meih 逆某姬 ‘to meet such and such a lady Ke, which is mentioned in the Chun Tsew ;–in Ho He comes of course because he was sent, but it was not proper, according to the 'rules for marriage,' that that should be stated. Par. 6. This is the sequel of the last par. As it is the first par. of a season, it seems proper that it should stand by itself, and not make one with the other as in the Kang-he edition. 歸=嫁 to be married,' spoken of the lady. Her husband's house becomes her home. Par. 7. Tsze-pih, (in Tso-she 子帛) is ex plained by Too Yu as the designation of Le-seu in par. 5. Kung says he had not heard who 子伯 was; and Kuh makes 1 a verb and construes thus: The viscount of Ke, considering himself an earl, took precedence and covenanted with the viscount of Keu.' This is sufficiently absurd, and besides, the chiefs of Ke were marquises, which makes Woo Ch'ing | nan. Tso-she says that the meeting was on Loo's account, which Too-yu explains as meaning that the count of Ke, kindly disposed to Loo through his recent marriage, arranged for the meeting, to heal a long-standing alienation be tween Loo and Keu. Par.8. I have translated 夫人子氏 by the duke's wife;' meaning, of course, duke Yin. Too supposes the second wife of Hwuy to be the lady meant, in anticipation of whose death the king sent a funeral present in the previous year;-a view which confutes itself. Kung thinks the lady was Yin's mother. Kuh takes the view I have done. The term 薨 is appropriate to narrate the death of one of the princes. It is here applied to the death of a prince's wife; the honour due to the husband passing to her.' Par. 9 Wei was a marquisate held by the descendants of K'ang-shuh, one of the sons of king Wăn, whose investiture with it is described in the Shoo, V.ix. It may be roundly said to have (A. D. 1249 – 1333) suppose that 子伯 embraced the pres. dep. of Wei-hwuy (衛輝) may have got, by some mistake, into the text instead of 侯Tao Yu's view may be ac cepted as most likely. He says also that Meih Ho-nan,–lying, most of it, north of the Ho; but it extended eastwards, across part of Chih-le, into Shan-tung as well. Its capital-subsequent was a town belonging to Keu; in dis. of Chang | ly changed-was the old Chëaou-ko (朝歌) yih (昌邑), dep. Lae-chow. This places it a considerable way from Keu, though near to Ke. The identification of the site may be accepted, but one does not see how a place at such a dis of Shang, in pres. dis. of Ke (淇). The reason of Ching's invasion of Wei is sufficiently indicated in one of the supplementary notices by Tso-she of the occurrences in the 10th month tance from Keu should have belonged to it. My of last year. 鄭人,-as 莒人 in par.2. Third year. 癸 伯冬 秋夏三日 入秋 未盟十月,武四月有年 葬于有庚氏 石 辰子 穆門折 齊 , 宋公和卒 鄭卒。 賻。 卒。 有食之 三年春王二月己巳 |