季人冬子八泉死此巫以者,日,日,門日之 奔犖十般月而且則氏君牙臣慶公有 陳月癸卒無有使命日以父疾力 叔飲于季僖奉問後能 位亥立後。 後。後 成圉 寢、 XXXII. 1 氏.歸國、之待 及不日于季日友牙,于可 之戲子般怒使鞭 逵然飲鍼使卿對對稷鞭公 In the [duke's] thirty-second year, in spring, he walled 2 In summer, the duke of Sung and the marquis of Ts'e 3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Kwei-sze, duke [Hwan's] son, Ya, died. 4 5 6 In the eighth month, on Kwei-hae, the duke died in the State-chamber. In winter, in the tenth month, on Ke-we, the [duke's] son, Pan, died. Duke [Hwan's] son, K'ing-foo, went to Ts'e. 7 The Teih invaded Hing. Par. 1. Tso-she says that 'this walling of Seaou-kuh was on behalf of Kwan Chung:' and Too Yu adds, in explanation, that duke Chwang, moved by the virtue of Hwan of Ts'e, to gratify him walled the city which he had assigned to Kwan Chung, his adviser and minister. If this be correct, then Seaou-kuh was, as Too says, in Ts'e, the same as the Kuh in VII.4, XXIII. 6. It occurs often hereafter, and always by the name of Kuh; and in a Chuen appended to X. xi. 9, it is said that duke Hwan walled it, and placed Kwan Chung in it. But that city is called Kuh, and never Seaou-kuh. Fan Ning, therefore, has many followers, when he says that this was a town of Loo; and they urge that if Tso-she's opinion were correct, the text would have before the name of the place. From the text alone we certainly conclude that Seaoukuh belonged to Loo. Par. 2. Leang-k'ew was in Ts'e, 30 le to the east of the present dis. city of Shing-woo, dep. Ts'aou-chow. Tso-she says that the marquis of Ts'e, with a view to punish Ts'oo for its invasion of Ch'ing [in the duke's 28th year], called a meeting of the princes, and that the duke of Sung requested an interview with him before any of the others, in consequence of which they met here in Leang-k'ew.' Too adds that the marquis was so pleased with this zeal, that he made the duke appear before himself in the account of their meeting! replied, "When a State is about to flourish, intelligent Spirits descend in it, to survey its virtue. When it is going to perish, Spirits also descend in it, to behold its wickedness. Thus there have been instances of States flourishing from Spirits appearing, and also of States perishing; cases in point might be adduced from the dynasties of Yu, Hea, Shang and Chow." The king then asked what should be done in the case of this Spirit, and Ko replied, "Present to it its own proper offerings, which are those proper to the day on which it came." The king acted accordingly, and the historiographer went to Kwoh, and presented the offerings. There he heard that the duke of Kwoh had been requesting the favour of enlarged territory from the Spirit, and on his return, he said, "Kwoh is sure to perish. The duke is oppressive, and listens to Spirits." The Spirit stayed in Sin six months, when the duke of Kwoh caused the prayer-master Ying, the superintendent of the ancestral temple K'eu, and the historiographer Yin, to sacrifice to it, and the Spirit promised to give him territory. The historiographer Yin said, "Ah! Kwoh will perish. I have heard that, when a State is about to flourish, its ruler receives his lessons from the people; and when it is about to perish, he receives his lessons from Spirits. The Spirits are intelligent, correct, and impartial. Their course is regulated by the feelings of men. The slenderness of Kwoh's virtue extends to many things;-how can any increase of territory be obtained?"] [The Chuen adds here a strange narrative:In autumn, in the 7th month, there was the descent of a Spirit in Sin [Sin belonged to Kwoh]. King Hwuy asked Ko, the historio- Par. 3. "Ya died."-He was in fact murdergrapher of the Interior, the reason of it, and heed, or done to death, and the statement in the text is fashioned to conceal the deed perpetrated. | on Woo-kang to rebel. If the 'duke of Chow The Chuen relates:-At an early time, the duke built a tower near the residence of the Chang_family, from which he got a sight of Măng Jin [i.e., 'the eldest Jin.' Jin was the surname of the Changs], and followed her; but she shut the door against him. He then said he would make her his wife, when she consented to his desires, cutting at the same time her arm, and with the blood making a covenant with him. She afterwards bore a son to the duke, who was called Pan. 'On occasion of a sacrifice for rain, the duke was discoursing on the subject at the residence of the Leang family, while his daughter was looking on at what was taking place. The chief groom Loh was outside the wall, and attempted to made sport with her, which incensed her brother Pan, so that he ordered Loh to be Scourged. When the duke heard of it, he said, "You should have had him put to death. He is not a man to be scourged. Loh is possessed of great strength, and can throw the cover of a carriage [The meaning of here is much disputed] over the south gate." When the duke was ill, he consulted his half-brother Shuh-ya about who should be his successor, and Ya said, 'K'ing-foo [Ya's own full brother] has ability." The duke also asked his full brother Ke-yew, who replied that he would support Pan to the death. "A little ago," said the duke, "Ya mentioned the ability of King-foo." On this Ch'ing Ke [Ch'ing was the hon. title of Ke-yew] sent a messenger with the duke's order to command He-shuh [Shuh-yaHe was his hon. title] to wait in the family of the officer K'een-woo, where he made Keen Ke present poison to him, with the message, “Drink it, and your posterity shall be preserved in the State. If you do not drink it, you shall die, and your posterity shall be made no account of." He drank the poison, returned as far as K'weits'euen, and died. His son was made the first of the Shuh-sun family.' The critics for the most part justify Ke-yëw for taking off Shuh-ya in the manner described in the Chuen. Yew was the full brother of duke Chwang, and faithful, having the interests of the State at heart. King-foo and Shuh-ya were half-brothers of Chwang, themselves full brothers; and King-foo's ambitious and crafty disposition was well known. He was carrying on a criminal intrigue with Gae Keang, and his aim was to become marquis himself. From what occurred at the duke's death-bed, it appeared to Ke-yew that Ya was confederate with his brother, and he therefore took him off, as the best way to weaken K'ing-foo, and secure the succession of Pan. Shih Keae ( A.D. 1005-1057) discourses on the subject in the following way:-'Affection between brothers, and righteousness between ruler and subject:-neither of these things can be disBut if a paramount sway be pensed with. allowed to the affection, it may happen that the righteousness cannot be maintained; and if it be allowed to the righteousness, it may happen that the affection cannot have its course. When such cases occur, it requires sagely wisdom and virtue to deal in them aright. When king Woo died, his brothers Kwan and Ts'ae led VOL. V. had regarded merely his affection for his brothers, the kingdom must have been ruined, and the young king imperilled. He would not sacrifice the kingdom to his own individual feelings, nor allow his private affection to overrule the righteousness due from him as a subject to his sovereign; and so, in the strength of great righteousness, he punished his brothers with death. In the case before us, Shuh-ya wanted to raise K'ing-foo to the lordship of Loo. If Keyew had regarded merely his affection for his brothers, King-foo must have become marquis, and Loo would have been thrown into confusion. Yew would not allow his private feelings to prevent the discharge of his public duty, nor exchange for the life of one man the benefit of the whole State; and so, in the stern discharge of great public righteousness, he poisoned Ya. After ages can surely examine the nature of his deed. When the duke of Chow cut off his brothers Kwan and Ts'ae, he proclaimed their guilt. When Ke-yëw poisoned Shuh-ya, he concealed the deed. The crime of the duke of Chow's two brothers was displayed; the crime of He-shuh was still hidden, and could not be known. And hence it is that it appears in the text as if he had died a natural death.' Par. 4. and others, as is explained by Kung, Kuh, E the right chamber.' See the note in the Shoo, on V. xxii. 10. The last or innermost of the gates of the king's palace, or of the palace of the prince of a State, was called, and inside it were the apartments called ts'in ments called ts'in (1). (寢) That character means 'to sleep,' but the ts'in were not bedrooms, in our sense of the term. They did not form part of the harem. There were three of them, the Kaou ( or 'High' ts'in, the Loo ts'in, and the Sëaou (AJ、) or 'Small' ts'in. The Loo was the State chamber, where the king or prince gave audience to his ministers, and sometimes feasted his guests; and here it his ministers, and with none of his wives or was proper he should die, open to the visits of female attendants about him. The Chuen says that 'on the duke's death, his son Pan succeeded to him, and stopped in the house of the officer Chang [As appears from the previous Chuen, the house of his mother's family.]' The Par. 5. Here we have another concealment of the truth, for the new marquis was murdered, without any of the mitigating circumstances which have been urged to justify the deed of Ke-yew in putting Shuh-ya to death. Chuen says:-Kung-chung [King-foo. Kung employed the chief groom Loh to murder the is the hon. title, and Chung the designation] young marquis Pan in the house of the Chang family. Ch'ing Ke then fled to Chin, and another son of Chwang, known as duke Min, was raised to the marquisate.' With regard to the language of the paragraph, simply means the son Pan.' Pan had, indeed, succeeded to his father, but Chwang was still unburied. The year, moreover, had not closed, and a new rule had not been publicly inaugurated. The 16 new marquis, therefore, is not acknowledged as such. His rule was abortive. He is not called or 君。 ▲, and his death is described by instead of薨 Instead of Kung and Kuh read 乙未; but 乙未 was in the 11th month, not the 10th. Par. 6. King-foo had murdered Pan, and aimed to become marquis himself. Something, however, was in the way of his immediately accomplishing his object, and here he goes to Ts'e, probably to represent the things which had occurred in Loo in the manner most favourable to himself, and to pave the way for his further projects. Maou thinks that is a euphemism for ; but there is no necessity for that view. But who had secured the succession of duke Min? The last two clauses of the last have translated the concluding one passively; but the K'ang-he editors carry on 成季 to as its subject. I do not see how Ching Ke, himself compelled to flee the State, could effect the acknowledgment of Min. Probably K'ingfoo saw that if, after murdering one of Chwang's sons, he proceeded at once to set the other aside, public feeling would be too strong for him; and he therefore co-operated with other officers in the designation of Min, then only 8 years old ;-meaning to deal with him ere long. Par. 7. Hing was a marquisate held by descendants of the duke of Chow. Its chief town was at first in the pres. dis. of Hing-t'ae, ĦB ), dep. Shun-tih, Chih-le; but, in two years after this time, at a place 12 le to the south-west of the pres. dep. city of Tung-ch'ang, Shantung. Teih is the general name for the wild tribes of the north. This is the first mention of Chuen are 成季奔陳立閔公. I them in the Ch'un Tsëw. First year. 閔公 左傳日元年春不書卽位亂故也 狄人伐邢管敬仲言於齊侯日戎狄豺狼不可厭也 諸夏親暱不可棄也宴安酖毒不可懷也詩云豈不 元年春王正月 懷鬬長此簡書簡書同惡相性之謂也請救邢以從 書齊人救邢 齊人救那 夏六月葬莊公亂故是以緩 秋八月公及齊侯盟于落姑請復季友也齊侯許之 夏六月辛酉葬 使召諸陳公大于耶以待之季子來儲嘉之也 我君莊公 月公及齊 盟于落妣 季子來歸 周禮周 冬齊仲孫湫來省難書日仲孫亦嘉之也仲孫 . 不去慶父魯難未已公日若之何而去之對日難不 親之親有禮因重固閒穩球覆性隨辦王之器也 今晉侯作二軍公將上軍犬子申生將下軍趙夙御 畢萬為右以滅耿滅霍滅魏還爲大子城曲沃賜 趙夙耿賜畢萬魏以爲大夫士蒍日犬子不得立矣 冬齊仲孫來 分之都城而位以卿先爲之極又焉得立不如逃之 I. 始卦而覆車孰廖萬民始萬乎無且可無 也能之從大占錼從諸賞盈卜家諺乎,使 公固,衆 焉之仕盈侯天數偃天日猶罪 其日於數日啟也日若心有 居必吉晉其萬之魏畢 苟 安 之蕃屯遇必民矣大萬大 兄昌固屯有今天名之子, 必公不長震比之衆名子也後,其 復侯易之為入,比,初之日以必無恤 其之合母土吉辛畢大兆是大晉乎也,亦 1 It was [the duke's] first year, the spring, the king's first 2 month. A body of men from Ts'e [went to] relieve Hing. 3 In summer, in the sixth month, on Sin-yew, we buried our 4 ruler, duke Chwang. In autumn, the duke made a covenant with the marquis of 5 The officer Ke came back to Loo. 6 In winter, Chung-sun of Ts'e came [to Loo]. He and the 11th of Ching () of Ts'oo. Par. 1. See on I.i.1; III.i. 1. Tso-she says that the par. does not conclude with, be cause the State was in confusion. TITLE OF THE BOOK.-A, Duke Min.') of Sung; the 3d of Ch'ing (†) of Ts'in; This was a son of duke Chwang, by a half-sister of the duchess Gae Keang, one of the ladies, who accompanied her from Ts'e to the harem of Loo in Chwang's 24th year, and who is generally mentioned as Shuh Keang (). could only be, therefore, about 8 years old at his father's death. Called to the marquisate in consequence of the murder of his brother Pan, his own brief rule was closed in as hapless a manner by a similar end. His name was K'e-fong . It appears in the Historical Records 8th of E Min's rule embraced the years B. C. 660, 659. His 1st year synchronized with the 16th of of king Hwuy (); the 25th of Hwan () of Ts'e; the 16th of Heen () of Tsin; the of Wei; the 14th of Muh () of Ts'ae; the 12th of Wan () of Ching; the 1st of Pan, duke Ch'aou (A) of Ts'aou; the 32d of Seuen () of Ch'in; the 12th of Hwuy () of Ke; the 21st of Hwan Par. 2. The Chuen has here:-The Teih had invaded Hing. Kwan King-chung was Kwan E-woo's hon. title] said to the marquis of Ts'e, "The Teih and Jung are wolves, to whom no indulgence should be given: within the States of the Great land, all are nearly related, and none should be abandoned; luxurious repose is a poison, which should not be cherished. The ode says, 'Did we not long to return? But we were afraid of what was written in the tablets [The She, Part II. i. VIII.] ;' meaning that the Parr. 4, 5. The Chuen says:-'The duke covenanted with the marquis of Ts'e at Loh-koo, and besought him to restore Ke-yew [who had |