AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY; BOOK THE SECOND, CONTAINING THE STATE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT TO CHARLEMAGNE. THE FOURTH CENTURY PART I. THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. I. THAT I may not separate facts, which are intimately connected with each other, I have judged it expedient to combine, in the same chapter, the prosperous and calamitous events that happened to the church during this century, instead of treating them separately, as I have hitherto done. This combination, which presents things in their natural relations, as causes or effects, is undoubtedly the principal circumstance that renders history truly interesting. In following, however, this plan, the order of time shall also be observed with as much accuracy as the combination of events will allow. with condescension and benevolence. '1 his alarmed the pagan priests, whose interests were so closely connected with the continuance of the ancient superstitions, and who apprehended, not without cause, that to their great detriment the Christian religion would become daily more general and triumphant throughout the empire. Under these anxious fears of the downfall of their authority, they addressed themselves to Diocletian, whom they knew to be of a timorous and credulous disposition, and by fictitious oracles, and other perfidious stratagems, endeavoured to engage him to persecute the Christians.* II. Diocletian, however, stood for some time unmoved by the treacherous arts of these selfish and superstitious priests, who, when they perceived the ill success of their cruel efforts, addressed themselves to Maximian Galerius, In the beginning of the century, the Roman one of the Cæsars, and also son-in-law to Dioempire was under the dominion of four chiefs, cletian, in order to accomplish their unrighte of whom two, Diocletian and Maximian Her-ous purposes. This prince, whose gross igno culius, were of superior dignity, and were se- rance of every thing but military affairs was verally distinguished by the title of Augustus; accompanied with a fierce and savage temper, while the other two, Constantius Chlorus and was a proper instrument for executing their Maximian Galerius, were in a certain degree designs. Set on, therefore, by the malicious of subordination to the former, and were ho- insinuations of the heathen priests, the sugnoured with the appellation of Cæsars. Under gestions of a superstitious mother, and the fethese four emperors, the church enjoyed an rocity of his own natural disposition, he soliagreeable calm.* Diocletian, though much ad- cited Diocletian, with such urgent and indedicted to superstition, did not entertain any fatigable importunity, for an edict against the aversion to the Christians; and Constantius Christians, that he, at length, obtained his Chlorus, who, following the dictates of reason | horrid purpose; for in the year 303, when this alone in the worship of the Deity, had abandon-emperor was at Nicomedia, an order was obed the absurdities of polytheism, treated them * Eusebius, lib. viii. cap. i. p. 291, &c. *Eusebius, de vita Constantini, lib. ii. cap. i. p 467 Lactantii Institut. divin. lib. iv. cap. xxvii. et de Morti 1. bus Persequutorum, cap. x. tained from him to pull down the churches of the Christians, to burn all their books and writings, and to take from them all their civil rights and privileges, and render them incapable of any honours or civil promotion.* This first edict, though rigorous and severe, extended not to the lives of the Christians, for Diocletian was extremely averse to slaughter and bloodshed; it was, however, destructive to many of them, particularly to those who refused to deliver the sacred books into the hands of the magistrates. Many Christians, therefore, and among them several bishops and presbyters, seeing the consequences of this refusal, delivered up all the religious books, and other sacred things that were in their possession, in order to save their lives. This conduct was highly condemned by the most steady and resolute Christians, who looked upon this compliance as sacrilegious, and branded those who were guilty of it with the ignominious appellation of traditors.‡ Constantius Chlorus.* Some were punished in such a shameful manner, as the rules of decency oblige us to pass in silence; some were put to death after having had their constancy tried by tedious and inexpressible tortures; and some were sent to the mines to draw out the remains of a iniserable life in poverty and bondage. IV. In the second year of this horrible persecution, the 304th of the Christian æra, a fourth edict was published by Diocletian, at the instigation of Galerius, and the other invete rate enemies of the Christian name. By it the magistrates were ordered and commissioned to force all Christians, without distinction of rank or sex, to sacrifice to the gods, and were authorised to employ all sorts of torments, in order to drive them to this act of apostasy.fThe diligence and zeal of the Roman magistrates, in the execution of this inhuman edict, nearly proved fatal to the Christian cause.‡ Galerius now made no longer a mystery of the ambitious project which he had been revolving in his mind. Finding his scheme ripe for execution, he obliged Diocletian and Maximian Herculius to resign the imperial dignity, and declared himself emperor of the east; leaving in the west Constantius Chlorus, with the ill state of whose health he was well acquainted. He chose colleagues according to his own fancy; and rejecting the proposal of Diocletian, who recommended Maxentius and Constantine (the son of Constantius) to that dignity, he made choice of Severus and Daza, his sister's son, to whom he had a little before given the name of Maximin.§ This revolu tion restored peace to those Christians who lived in the western provinces, under the administration of Constantius; while those of the east, under the tyranny of Galerius, had their sufferings and calamities dreadfully augmented. T III. Not long after the publication of this first edict against the Christians, a fire broke out twice in the palace of Nicomedia, where Galerius lodged with Diocletian. The Christians were accused, by their enemies, as the authors of this conflagration;§ and the credulous Diocletian, too easily persuaded of the truth of this charge, caused vast numbers of them to suffer, at Nicomedia, the punishment of incendiaries, and to be tormented in the most inhuman and infamous manner. About the same time, there arose tumults and seditions in Armenia and in Syria, which were also attributed to the Christians by their irreconcilable enemies, who took advantage of those disturbances to inflame the emperor's fury. And, accordingly, Diocletian, by a new edict, ordered all the bishops and ministers of the Christian church to be thrown into prison. Nor did his inhuman violence end here; for a third edict was soon issued, by which it was or- V. The divine providence, however, was dered, that all sorts of torments should be em- preparing more serene and happy days for the ployed, and the most insupportable punish-church. In order to this, it confounded the ments invented, to force these venerable captives to renounce their profession, by sacrificing to the heathen gods; for it was hoped, that, if the bishops and doctors of the church could be brought to yield, their respective flocks would be easily induced to follow their example. An immense number of persons, illustriously distinguished by their piety and learning, became the victims of this cruel stratagem through the whole Roman empire, Gaul excepted, which was under the mild and equitable dominion of schemes of Galerius, and brought his counsels to nothing. In the year 306, Constantius Chlorus dying in Britain, the army saluted, with the title of Augustus, his son Constantine, surnamed afterwards the Great on account of his illustrious exploits, and forced him to accept the purple. This proceeding, which must have stung the tyrant Galerius to the heart, he was, nevertheless, obliged to bear with patience, and even to confirm with the outward marks of his approbation. Soon after a civil war broke out, the occasion of which was as follows: Maximian Galerius, inwardly enraged at the election of Constantine by the soldiers, sent him, indeed, the purple, but gave him only the title of Cæsar, and created Seve Lactantius assures us, that Galerius caused fire rus emperor. Maxentius, the son of Maxito be privately set to the palace, that he might lay themian Herculius, and son-in-law to Galerius, blame of it upon the Christians, and thus incense Diocletian still more against them; in which horrid stratagem he succeeded; for never was any persecution so bloody and inhuman, as that which this credulous emperor now set on foot against them. Lactantius, de Mortibus Persequutorum, c. xi. Eusebus, lib. viii. cap. ii. Augustinus, Brev. collat. cum Donatistis, cap. xv. xvii. Baluzii Miscellan. tom. ii. Optatus Milevit. de Schismate Donatistarum, lib. i. sect. xiii. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. viii. cap. v. Lactant. de Mortibus Persequut. cap. xix. Constant. Mag. Oratio ad sanctor. Cœtum, cap. xxv. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. viii. cap. vii. et de Martyribus Palestinæ provoked at the preference given to Severus, *Lactantius, cap. xv.-Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. viii xiii. xviii. cap. Eusebius, de Martyribus Palæstinæ, cap. iii. assumed the imperial dignity, and found the || tianity, in consequence, as it is said, of a miless difficulty in making good this usurpation, raculous cross, which appeared to him in the as the Roman people hoped, by his means, to air, as he was marching toward Rome to atdeliver themselves from the insupportable ty- tack Maxentius. But that this extraordinary ranny of Galerius. Having caused himself event was the reason of his conversion, is a to be proclaimed emperor, he chose his father matter that has never yet been placed in such Maximian for his colleague, who, receiving the a light, as to dispel all doubts and difficulties. purple from the hands of his son, was univer- For the first edict of Constantine in favour of ally acknowledged in that character by the the Christians, and many other circumstances Henate and the people. Amidst all these trou- that might be here alleged, show, indeed, that bles and commotions, Constantine, beyond all he was well-disposed to them and to their wor human expectation, made his way to the impe-ship, but are no proof that he looked upon rial throne. Christianity as the only true religion; which, however, would have been the natural effect of a miraculous conversion. It appears evi dent, on the contrary, that this emperor considered the other religions, and particularly that which was handed down from the ancient Romans, as also true and useful to mankind; and declared it to be his intention and desire, that they should all be exercised and vidual the liberty of adhering to that which he thought the best. It is true that he did not remain always in this state of indifference. In process of time, he acquired more extensive views of the excellence and importance of the Christian religion, and gradually arrived at an entire persuasion of its bearing alone the sa The western Christians, those of Italy and Africa excepted,* enjoyed some degree of tranquillity and liberty during these civil tumults. Those of the east seldom continued for any considerable time in the same situation. They were subject to various changes and revolutions; their condition was sometimes adverse and sometimes tolerably easy, according to the different scenes that were presented by the fluc-professed in the empire, leaving to each inditrating state of public affairs. At length, however, Maximian Galerius, who had been the author of their heaviest calamities, being brought to the brink of the grave by a most dreadful and lingering diseases whose complicated horrors no language can express, published, in the year 311, a solemn edict, ordering the persecution to cease, and restoring free-cred marks of celestial truth and a divine origin. dom and repose to the Christians, against whom he had exercised such horrible cruelties. VI. After the death of Galerius, his dominions fell into the hands of Maximin and Licinius, who divided between them the provinces he had possessed. At the same time, Maxentius, who had usurped the government of Africa and Italy, determined to make war upon Constantine (who was now master of Spain and Gaul,) with the ambitious view of reducing, under his dominion, the whole western empire. Constantine, apprised of this design, marched with a part of his army into Italy, gave battle to Maxentius at a small distance from Rome, and totally defeated that abominable tyrant, who, in his precipitate flight, fell into the Tiber, and was drowned. After this victory, which happened in the year 312, Constantine, and his colleague Licinius, immediately grated to the Christians a full power of living according to their own laws and institutions; which power was specified still more clearly in another edict, drawn up at Milan, in the following year.§ Maximin, indeed, who ruled in the cast, was preparing new calamities for the Christians, and threatening also with destruction the western emperors. But his projects were disconcerted by the victory which Licinius gained over his army, and, through distraction and despair, he ended his life by poison, in the year 313. He was convinced of the falsehood and impiety of all other religious institutions; and, acting in consequence of this conviction, he exhorted earnestly all his subjects to embrace the Gospel, and at length employed all the force of his authority in the abolition of the ancient superstition. It is not, indeed, easy, nor perhaps is it possible, to fix precisely the time when the religious sentiments of Constantine were so far changed, as to render all religions, but that of Christ, the objects of his aversion. All that we know, with certainty, concerning this matter is, that this change was first published to the world by the laws and edicts* which he issued in the year 324, when, after the defeat and death of Licinius, he reigned as the sole lord of the Roman empire. His designs, however, with respect to the abolition of the ancient religion of the Romans, and the toleration of no other form of worship than the Christian, were only made known toward the latter end of his life, by his edicts for destroying the heathen temples, and prohibiting sacrifices.† VIII. The sincerity of Constantine's zeal for Christianity can scarcely be doubted, unless it be maintained that the outward actions of men are, in no degree, a proof of their inward sentiments. It must, indeed, be confessed that the life and actions of this prince were not such as the Christian religion demands from those who profess to believe its sublime doctrines. It is also certain, that, from his con version to the last period of his life, he continued in the state of a catechumen, and was not received by baptism into the number of the faithful, until a few days before his death, when that sacred rite was administered to him at Eusebius, de vita Constant. lib. ii. cap. xx., xliv. than a natural phænomenon in a solar halo, is, perhaps, more ingenious, than solid and convincing. Nor, in the third place, do we think it sufficiently proved, that the divine power interposed here to confirm the wavering faith of Constantine by a stupendous miracle. The only hypothesis, then, which remains, is, that we consider this famous cross as a vision represented to the emperor in a dream, with the re conquer; and this opinion is maintained by authors of considerable weight. Nicomedia, by Eusebius, bishop of that place.* .* But these circumstances are not sufficient to prove that he doubted the divinity of the Christian religion, or that his profession of the Gospel was an act of mere dissimulation; for it was a custom with many, in this century, to put off their baptism to the last hour, that thus, immediately after receiving by this rite the remission of their sins, they might ascend pure and spotless to the mansions of life and immor-markable inscription, Hac vince, i. e. In this tality. Nor are the crimes of Constantine any proof of the insincerity of his profession, since nothing is more evident, though it be strange and unaccountable, than that many who believe, in the firmest manner, the truth and divinity of the Gospel, violate its laws by repeated transgressions, and live in contradiction to their own inward principles. Another question of a different nature might be proposed here, viz. Whether motives of a worldly kind did not contribute, in a certain measure, to give Christianity, in the esteem of Constantine, a preference to all other religious systems? It is indeed probable, that this prince perceived the admirable tendency of the Christian doctrine and precepts to promote the stability of government, by preserving the citizens in their obedience to the reigning powers, and in the practice of those virtues which render a state happy; and he must naturally have observed, how defective the Roman superstition was in this important point.† IX. The doubts and difficulties that naturally arise in the mind, concerning the miraculous cross that Constantine solemnly declared he had seen, about noon, in the air, are many and considerable. It is easy, indeed, to refute the opinion of those who look upon this prodigy as a cunning fiction, invented by the emperor to animate his troops in the ensuing battle, or who consider the narration as wholly fabulous. The sentiment also of those, who imagine that this pretended cross was no more Eusebius, de vita Constantini, lib. iv. cap. Ixi. Ixii. Those who, upon the authority of certain records (whose date is modern, and whose credit is extremely dubious) affirm, that Constantine was baptised in the year 324, at Rome, by Sylvester, the bishop of that city, are evidently in an error. Those, even of the Romish church, who are the most eminent for their learning and sagacity, reject this notion. See Noris, Hist. Donatist. tom. iv. op. p. 650. Thom. Mariæ Mamachii Origin. et Antiquit. Christian. tom. ii. p. 232. Eusebius, de vita Constant. lib. i. cap. xxvii. It has been sometimes remarked by the more eminent writers of the Roman history, that the superstition of that people, contrary to what Dr. Mosheim here observes, had a great influence in keeping them in their subordination and allegiance. It is more particularly observed, that in no other nation was the solemn obligation of an oath treated with such respect, or fulfilled with such a religious circumspection, and such an inviolable fidelity. But, notwithstanding all this, it is certain, that superstition, if it may be dexterously turned to good purposes, may be equally employed to bad. The artifice of an augur could have rendered superstition as useful to the infernal designs of a Tarquin and a Catiline, as to the noble and virtuous purposes of a Publicola, or a Trajan. But true Christianity can animate or encourage to nothing except what is just and good. It tends to support government by the principles of piety and justice, and not by the ambiguous flight of birds, or the like delusions. Hornbeck. Comment. ad Bullam Urbani viii. de Imagin. cultu, p. 182. Oiselius, Thesaur. Numism. X. The joy with which the Christians were elated on account of the favourable edicts of Constantine and Licinius, was soon interrupted by the war which broke out between these princes. Licinius, being defeated in a pitched battle, in the year 314, concluded a treaty of peace with Constantine, and observed it during the space of nine years. But his turbulent spirit rendered him an enemy to repose; and his natural violence, seconded, and still farther incensed, by the suggestions of the heathen priests, armed him against Constantine, in the year 324, for the second time. During this war, he endeavoured to engage in his cause all who remained attached to the ancient superstition, that thus he might oppress his adversary Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Disser. de Cruce a Constantino visa. Jo. And. Schmidius, Disser. de luna in Cruce visa. This hypothesis of Dr. Mosheim is not more credible than the real appearance of a cross in the air.Both events are recorded by the same authority; and, if with respect to the appearance of a cross in the day, they the veracity of Constantine or of Eusebius be questioned can scarcely be confided in with respect to the truth of the nocturnal vision. It is very surprising to see the learned authors of the Universal History adopt, without exception, all the accounts of Eusebius, concerning this cross, which are extremely liable to suspicion, which Eusebius himself seems to have believed but in part, and for the truth of all which he is careful not to make himself answerable. (See that author's Life of Constantine lib. ii. cap. ix.) This whole story is attended with difficulties which render it, both as a miracle and as a fact, extremely dubious, to say no more.-It will necessarily be asked, whence it comes to pass, that the relation of a fact, which is said to have been seen by the whole army, is delivered by Eusebius, upon the sole credit of Constantine? This is the more unaccountable, as Eusebius lived and conversed with many who must have been spectators of this event, had it really happened, and whose unanimous testimony would have prevented the necessity of Constantine's confirming it to him by an oath. The sole relation of one man, concerning a public appearance, is not sufficient to give complete conviction; nor does it app ar, that this story was generally believed by the Christians, or by others, since several ecclesiastical historians, who wrote after Eusebius, particularly Rufin and Sozomen, make no mention of this appearance of a cross in the heavens. The nocturnal vision was, it must be confessed, more generally known and believed; upon which Dr. Lardner makes this conjecture, that when Constantine first informed the people of the reason that induced him to make use of the sign of the cross in his army, he alleged nothing but a dream for that purpose; but that, in the latter part of his life, when he was acquainted with Eusebius, he added the other particular, of a luminous cross, seen somewhere by him and his army in the daytime (for the place is not mentioned;) and that, the emperor having related this in the most solemn manner, Fu sebius thought himself obliged to mention it. All the writers, who have given any accounts of Constantine the Great, are carefully enumerated by J. A. Fabricius, in his Lux Salut. Evang. toti Orbi exor. cap. xii. p. 260, who also mentions, cap. xiii. p. 237, the laws concerning religious matters, which were enacted by this emperor, and digested into four parts. For a full ac count of these laws, see Jac. Godofred. Adnotat, ad Codic. Theodos., and Balduinus in his Constantin. Magu seu de Legibus Constantini eccles, et civilibus, lib. ii himself master, by force, of several places be longing to Constans, this occasioned a wa with numbers; and, in order to this, he persecuted the Christians in a cruel manner, and put to death many of their bishops, after try-between the brothers, in the year 340, in which ing them with torments of the most barbarous Constantine lost his life. Constans, who had nature.* But all his enterprises proved abor- received at first, for his portion, Illyricum, tive; for, after several unsuccessful battles, he Italy, and Africa, added now the dominions of was reduced to the necessity of throwing him- the deceased prince to his own, and thus beself at the victor's feet, and imploring his cle- came sole master of all the western provinces mency; which, however, he did not long enjoy;|| He remained in possession of this vast territory for he was strangled, by the order of Constan- until the year 350, when he was cruelly assas tine, in the year 325. After the defeat of Li-sinated by the order of Magnentius, one of cinius, the empire was ruled by Constantine his commanders, who had revolted and dealone until his death; and the Christian cause clared himself emperor. Magnentius, in his experienced, in its happy progress, the effects turn, met with the fate he deserved: transportof his auspicious administration. This zealoused with rage and despair at his ill success in prince employed all the resources of his genius, the war against Constantius, and apprehendall the authority of his laws, and all the engaging ing the most terrible and ignominious death charms of his munificence and liberality, to || from the just resentment of the conqueror, he efface, by degrees, the superstitions of Pagan-||laid violent hands upon himself. Thus Con ism, and to propagate Christianity in every corner of the Roman empire. He had learned, no doubt, from the disturbances continually excited by Licinius, that neither himself nor the empire could enjoy a fixed state of tranquillity and safety as long as the ancient superstitions subsisted; and therefore, from this period, he openly opposed the sacred rites of Paganism, as a religion detrimental to the interests of the state. stantius, who had, before this, possessed the provinces of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, became, in the year 353, sole lord of the Roman empire, which he ruled until the year 361, when he died at Mopsucrene, on the borders of Cilicia, as he was marching against Julian. None of these three brothers possessed the spirit and genius of their father. They all, indeed, followed his example, in continuing to abrogate and efface the ancient superstitions of the Romans and other idolatrous nations, and to accelerate the progress of the Christian religion throughout the empire. This zeal was, no doubt, laudable; its end was excellent; but, in the means used to accomplish it, there were many things not altogether laudable. XI. After the death of Constantine, which happened in the year 337, his three sons, Constantine II. Constantius, and Constans, were, in consequence of his appointment, put in possession of the empire, and were all saluted as emperors and Augusti by the Roman senate. There were yet living two brothers of the late XII. This flourishing progress of the Chrisemperor, namely, Constantius Dalmatius and tian religion was greatly interrupted, and the Julius Constantius, and they had many sons. church reduced to the brink of destruction, These the sons of Constantine ordered to be when Julian, the son of Julius Constantius, put to death, lest their ambitious views should and the only remaining branch of the imperial excite troubles in the empire;† and they all fell || family, was placed at the head of affairs. This victims to this barbarous order, except Gallus active and adventurous prince, after having and Julian, the sons of Julius Constantius, the been declared emperor by the army, in the latter of whom rose afterwards to the imperial year 360, in consequence of his exploits among dignity. The dominions allotted to Constan- the Gauls, was, upon the death of Constantius, tine were Britain, Gaul, and Spain; but he did in the following year, confirmed the undinot possess them long; for, when he had made vided possession of the empire. No event could be less favourable to the Christians; for, *Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. x. cap. viii. et de vita though he had been educated in the principles Constantini, lib. i. cap. xlix. Julian himself, whose bit-of Christianity, he apostatised from that divine ter aversion to Constantine gives a singular degree of religion, and employed all his efforts to restore credibility to his testimony in this matter, could not help the expiring superstitions of polytheism to confessing that Licinius was an infamous tyrant and a profligate, abandoned to all sorts of wickedness. See the their former vigour, credit, and lustre. His Cæsars of Julian. And here I beg leave to make a re- apostasy was imputable, partly to his aversion mark which has escaped the learned. Aurelius Victor, to the Constantine family, who had murdered in his book de Cæsaribus, cap. xli. has mentioned the persecution under Licinius in the following terms: "Li- his father, brother, and kinsmen; and partly to inio ne insontium quidem ac nobilium philosophorum the artifices of the Platonic philosophers, who ervili more cruciatus adhibiti modum fecere." The abused his credulity, and flattered his ambiphilosophers, whom Licinius is here said to have tor- tion, by fictitious miracles, and pompous premented, were, doubtless, the Christians, whom many, through ignorance, looked upon as a philosophical sect. dictions. It is true, this prince seemed averse This passage of Aurelius has not been touched by the to the use of violence, in propagating supercommentators, who are generally more intent upon the stition, and suppressing the truth: indeed, he knowledge of words than of things. carried the appearances of moderation and impartiality so far, as to allow his subjects a full power of judging for themselves in religious matters, and of worshipping the Deity in the manner they thought the most rational. But, under this mask of moderation, he attacked Christianity with the utmost bitterness, and, at the same time, with the most consummate dexterity Ty art and stratagem he undermined It is more probable that the principal design of this massacre was to recover the provinces of Thrace, Macedon, and Achaia, which, in the division of the empire, Constantine the Great had given to young Dalmatius, on to his brother of the same name; and also Pontus and Cappadocia, which he had granted to Annibalianus, the brother of young Dalmatius. Be that as it will, Dr. Mosheim has attributed this massacre equally to the three sons of Constantine; whereas, almost all authors agree, that neither young Constantine. nor Constans. had Dy concern in it. |