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But this is carrying the matter too far. The wisdom of human counsels, and the useful ef forts of learning and prudence, are too incon

after an attentive examination of the account which Eusebius gives of this point, it will appear that these supposed Indians were Jews, nhabitants of the happy Arabia, whom Bar-siderately excluded from this account of things; tholomew the apostle had before instructed in the doctrines of Christianity; for, according to the account of St. Jerome, Pantænus found among this people the Gospel of St. Matthew which they had received from Bartholomew, their first teacher.

for it is beyond all doubt, that the pious diligence and zeal, with which many learned and worthy men recommended the sacred writings, and spread them abroad in translations, so as to render them useful to those who were igno rant of the language in which they were writ

pagation of the Christian doctrine. Latin versions of these sacred books were multiplied by the pious labours of the learned, with particular diligence, because that language was now more general than any other. Among these versions, that which was distinguished by the name of the Italic obtained universally the preference, and was followed by the Syriac, Egyptian, and Æthiopic versions, whose dates it is impossible to fix with certainty.f

IV. The Christian religion, having penetrat-ten, contributed much to the success and proed into the province of Gaul, seems to have passed thence into that part of Germany which was subject to the Romans, and afterwards into Britain.* Certain German churches, indeed, are fondly ambitious of deriving their origin from St. Peter, and from the companions of the other apostles. The Britons also are willing to believe, upon the authority of Bede, that in this century, and under the reign of Marcus Antoninus, their king Lucius addressed himself to Eleutherus, the Roman pontiff, for doctors to instruct him in the Christian religion, and, having obtained his request, embraced the Gospel.† But, after all, these traditions are extremely doubtful, and are, indeed, rejected by such as have learning sufficient to weigh the credibility of ancient nar-sented to the credulous multitude, who were

rations.

VII. Among the obstacles that retarded the progress of Christianity, the impious calumnies of its enemies were the most considerable. The persons, the characters, and religious sentiments of the first Christians, were most unjustly treated, and most perfidiously misreprerestrained by this only from embracing the V It is very possible that the light of Chris- Gospel. Those, therefore, who, by their apotianity may have reached Trans-Alpine Gaul, logetic writings for the Christians, destroyed tow called France, before the conclusion of the poisonous influence of detraction, renderthe apostolic age, either by the ministry of the ed, no doubt, signal service to the doctrine of apostles themselves, or their immediate succes- Christ, by removing the chief impediment to sore. But we have no records that mention, its progress. Nor were the writings of such with certainty, the establishment of Christianas combated with success the ancient heretics churches in this part of Europe before the second century. Pothinus, a man of exemplary piety and zeal, set out from Asia in company with Irenæus and others, and laboured in the Christian cause with such success among the Gauls, that churches were established at Lyons and Vienne, of which Pothinus himself became the first bishop.‡

VI. The writers of this century attribute this rapid progress of Christianity to the power of God, to the energy of divine truth, to the extraordinary gifts which were imparted to the first Christians, and the miracles and prodigies that were wrought in their behalf, and at their command; and they scarcely ascribe any part of the amazing success that attended the preaching of the Gospel, to the intervening succours of human means, or second causes.

*Ursinus, Bebelius and others, have written learnedly concerning the origin of the German churches, which

Tertullian and Irenæus mention as erected in this cen

tury. Add to these the ample illustrations of this subject, which are to be found in Liron's Singularites Histor. et Liter. tom. iv. The celebrated Dom. Calmet has judiciously refuted the common and popular accounts of the first Christian doctors in Germany, in his Hist. de la Lorraine, tom. i. Diss. sur les Eveques de Treves, par iii. iv See also Bollandus, Act. Sanctor., and Hontheim, Diss. de Era Episcop. Trevir. tom. i.

See Usher's Antiq. Eccles. Britann. cap. i.; as also Godwin, de Conversione Britan. cap. i.; and Rapin's History of England.

See the epistle of Peter de Marca, concerning the rise of Christianity in France, published among the dissertations of that author, and also by Valesius, in his edition of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History. See also Histoire Literaire de la France, tom. i., and Liron's Singularites Histor. et Literaires, vol. iv.

without their use, especially in the early periods of the church; for the insipid and extravagant doctrines of these sectaries, and the gross immoralities with which they were chargeable, were extremely prejudicial to the Christian religion, by disgusting many at whatever bore the Christian name; but, when it was known by the writings of those who defended Christianity, that these corrupt heretics were held. in aversion, instead of being patronized by the true followers of Christ, the clouds that were cast over the religion of Jesus were dispersed, and the prejudices that had been raised against it were fully removed.

VIII. It is easier to conceive than to express, how much the miraculous powers and extraordinary gifts, which were displayed in the ministry of the first heralds of the Gospel, contributed to enlarge the bounds of the church. These gifts, however, which were bestowed for wise and important reasons, began gradually to diminish in proportion as the reasons ceased for which they were conferred. And, accord

*See Augustin. de doctrina Christiana, lib. ii. cap. xi. See Jo. Gottlob Carpzov. Critica sacra Vet Test. p. 663. Nothing more injurious can be conceived than the terms of contempt, indignation, and reproach, which the Heathens employed in expressing their hatred against the Christians, who were called by them atheists, because they derided the heathen Polytheism; magicians, because they wrought miracles; self-murderers, because they s fered martyrdom cheerfully for the truth; haters of the light, because, to avoid the fury of the persecutions raised against them, they were obliged, at first, to hold thei: religious assemblies in the night. See Bingham's An tiquities of the Christian Church, book i. cap. ii

*

ingly, when a most all nations were enlighten- a considerable number of Ch.istians served a ed with the truth, and the number of Chris- this time in the Roman army; and it is extian churches daily increased, the miraculous ceedingly probable, that, in such trying cirgift of tongues began gradually to decrease. cumstances of calamity and distress, they imIt appears at the same time, from unexception-plored the merciful interposition and succour able testimonies, that the other extraordinary of their God and Saviour; and, as the Chris gifts with which the omnipotence and wisdom tians of those times looked upon all extraordiof the Most High had so richly endowed the nary events as miracles, and ascribed to their rising church, were in several places continued prayers all the uncommon occurrences of an during this century.* advantageous nature that happened to the IX. We cannot indeed place, with certainty, Roman empire, it will not appear surprising, among the effects of a miraculous power yet that, on the present occasion, they ut'ributed remaining in the church, the story of the the deliverance of Antoninus and his army to Christian legion, who, by their prayers, drew a miraculous interposition which they had ob from heaven a refreshing shower upon the army tained from above. But, on the other hand, of Marcus Antoninus, ready to perish with it must be carefully observed, that it is an inthirst, when that emperor was at war with the variable maxim, universally adopted by the Marcomanni. This remarkable event (which || wise and judicious, that no events arc to be esgave to the Christians, to whom it was attri- teemed miraculous, which may be rationally buted, the name of the thundering legion, on attributed to natural causes, and accounted for account of the thunder and lightning that de- by a recourse to the ordinary dispensations of stroyed the enemy, while the shower revived Providence; and, as the unexpected shower, the fainting Romans) has been mentioned by which restored the expiring force of the Romany writers. But whether it was really mi- mans, may be easily explained without rising raculous or not, has been much disputed beyond the usual and ordinary course of nature, among learned men. Some think that the the conclusion is manifest; nor can it be doubtChristians, by a pious sort of mistake, attribut- ful in what light we are to consider that reed this unexpected and seasonable shower, markable event. which saved the Roman army, to a miraculous interposition; and this opinion is, indeed, supported by the weightiest reasons, as well as by the most respectable authorities.†

XI. The Jews were visited with new calamities, first under Trajan, and then under Adrian, when, under the standard of Barcochebas, who gave himself out for the Messiah, they rose in X. Let us distinguish what is doubtful in rebellion against the Romans. In consequence this story, from that which is certain. It is of this sedition, prodigious numbers of that undoubted, that the Roman troops, enclosed || miserable people were put to the sword; and a by the enemy, and reduced to the most deplo- new city, called Elia Capitolina, was raised rable and even desperate condition, by the upon the ruins of Jerusalem, into which no thirst under which they languished in a parch- Jew was permitted to enter.* This defeat of the ed desert, were revived by a sudden and un- Jews tended to confirm, in some measure, the expected rain. It is also certain, that both the external tranquillity of the Christian Church; Heathens and the Christians considered this for that turbulent and perfidious nation had event as extraordinary and miraculous; the hitherto vexed and oppressed the Christians, former attributing it to Jupiter, Mercury, or not only by presenting every where to the Rothe power of magic; the latter to Christ, inter-man magistrates complaints and accusations posing thus unexpectedly, in consequence of their prayers. It is equally indisputable, that

Pfanner, de donis miraculosis; Spencer. Not. ad Orig. contra Celsum; Mammachius, Origines et Antiqui

tat. Christian. tom. i.

Such readers as are desirous to know what learned men have alleged on both sides of this curious question, may consult Witsius' Dissertat. de Legione Fulminatrice, which is subjoined to his Egyptiaca, in defence of this miracle; as also what is alleged against it by Dan. La Roque, in a discourse upon that subject subjoined to the Adversaria Sacra of Matth. La Roque, his father. But, above all, the controversy between Sir Peter King [*] and Mr. Walter Moyle, upon this subject, is worthy of the attention of the curious; and likewise the dissertation of the learned Jablonski, inserted in the eighth volume of the Miscellanea Lipsiensia, p. 417, under the title of spicilegium de Legione Fulminatrice. The last menioned author investigates, with great acuteness, the reasons and motives which induced the Christians to place o inconsiderately this shower in the list of miracles.

person

[*] It is by mistake that Dr. Mosheim confounds Sir Peter King, lord Chancellor of England, with the who carried on the controversy with Moyle, concerning he thundering legion. Moyle's adversary was Mr. King, rector of Topsham, near Exeter, which was the place of his nativity, and also that of the famous chancelfor who bore his name. See the letters addressed to the Rev. Mr. King, in the posthumous collection of Locke's Letters, published by Collins. See also Lardner's Collection of Heathen and Jewish Testimonies, &c., vol. ii.

against them, but also by treating them in the most injurious manner in Palestine and the neighbouring countries, because they refused to succour them against the Romans. But this new calamity, which fell upon that seditious nation, put it out of their power to exer cise their malignity against the disciples of Je sus, as they had formerly done.

dour and force of the growing church, we may XII. Among other accessions to the splen reckon the learned and ingenious labours of those philosophers and literati, who were con Verted to Christianity in this century. I an sensible that the advantages hence arising t the cause of true religion will be disputed by many; and, indeed, when the question is thu proposed, whether, upon the whole, the inte rests of Christianity have gained or lost by the Writings of the learned, and the speculations of philosophers who have been employed in its defence, I confess myself incapable of solving it in a satisfactory manner; for nothing is more manifest than this truth, that the noble simplicity and dignity of religion were sadly corrupted in many places, when the philoso* Justin Mart. Dirl. cum Tryphone, p. 49, 278,

phers blended their opinions with its pure doctrines, and were so audacious as to submit that divine system of faith and piety to be scrutinized and modified by the fallible rules of imperfect reason

CHAPTER II.

Concerning the calamitous Events that happened

to the Church during this Century.

who breathed nothing but fury against the disciples of Jesus. The office of an accuser was also become dangerous, and very few were disposed to undertake it, so that the sacerdotal craf was now inventing new methods to oppress the Christians. The law of Trajan was therefore artfully evaded under the reign of his successor Adrian. The populace, set in motion by the priests, demanded of the magistrates, with one voice, during the public games, the deI. IN the beginning of this century, there struction of the Christians; and the magiswere no laws in force against the Christians; trates, fearing that a sedition might be the for the senate had annulled the cruel edicts of consequence of despising or opposing these Nero, and Nerva had abrogated the sanguinary popular clamours, were too much disposed to laws of his predecessor, Domitian. But not- indulge them in their request. During these withstanding this, a horrid custom prevailed, commotions, Serenus Granianus, proconsul of of persecuting the Christians, and even of put- Asia, represented to the emperor how barba ting them to death, as often as sanguinary rous and unjust it was to sacrifice, to the fury priests, or an outrageous populace instigated of a lawless multitude, persons who had been by those ecclesiastics, demanded their destruc- convicted of no crime. Nor were his wise and tion. Hence it happened, that, even under the equitable remonstrances fruitless; for Adrian, reign of the good Trajan, popular clamours* by an edict issued out to these magistrates, were raised against the Christians, many of prohibited the putting the Christians to death, whom fell victims to the rage of a merciless unless they were regularly accused and conmultitude. Such were the riotous proceed-victed of crimes committed against the laws; ings that happened in Bithynia, under the administration of Pliny the younger, who, on that occasion, wrote to the emperor, to know in what manner he was to conduct himself toward the Christians. The answer which he received from Trajan amounted to this, "That the Christians were not to be officiously sought after, but that such as were accused and convicted of an adherence to Christianity were to be put to death as wicked citizens, if they did not return to the religion of their ancestors." II. This edict of Trajan, being registered among the public and solemn laws of the Roman empire, set bounds, indeed, to the fury of those who persecuted the Christians, but was the occasion of martyrdom to many, even unIV. The law of Adrian, according to its na der the best emperors. For, as often as an ac- tural sense, seemed to cover the Christians cuser appeared, and the person accused of an from the fury of their enemies, since it renadherence to Christianity confessed the truth of dered them punishable on no other account the charge, the alternative was apostasy or than the commission of crimes, and since the death, since a magnanimous perseverance in magistrates refused to interpret their religion the Christian faith was, according to the edict as the crime mentioned in the imperial edict. of Trajan, a capital crime. And, accordingly, Therefore their enemies invented a new method the venerable and aged Simeon, son of Cleo- of attacking them under the reign of Antoninus phas, and bishop of Jerusalem, was, by this Pius, even by accusing them of impiety and very law, crucified in consequence of an accu- atheism. This calumny was refuted in an sation formed against him by the Jews. By apology for the Christians, presented to the em the same law, also, was the great and pious peror by Justin Martyr; in consequence of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, ordered by Trajan which, this equitable prince ordered that all himself to expire in the Roman theatre, ex-proceedings against them should be regulated posed to the rapacity of furious beasts;§ for, as the law simply denounced death to such as were convicted of an attachment to Christ, the kind of punishment was left by the legislator to the choice of the judge.

and this edict appears to have been a solemn renewal of the law of Trajan.* The moderation of the emperor, in this edict, may, perhaps, have been produced by the admirable apologies of Quadratus and Aristides, in favour of the Christians, which were every way proper to dispel the angry prejudices of a mind that had any sense of equity and humanity left. But it was not from the Romans alone, that the disciples of Christ were to feel oppression; Barcochebas, the pretended king of the Jews, whom Adrian afterwards defeated, vented against them all his fury, because they refused to join his standard, and second his rebellion.f

by the law of Adrian.‡ This, however, was not sufficient to suppress the rage of blood thirsty persecution; for some time after this, on occasion of some earthquakes which hap pened in Asia, the people renewed their violence against the Christians, whom they considered as the authors of those calamities, and

III. Such of the Christians as could conceal their profession were indeed sheltered under the law of Trajan, which was, therefore, a dis-treated consequently in the most cruel and inagreeable restraint upon the heathen priests,

* Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iii. cap. xxxii. See Pliny's Letters, book x. let. xevii. and xcviii., which have been illustrated by many learned men, such as Vossius, Bohmer, Baldwin, Heuman, and others.

Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iii. cap. xxxii. p. 103. See the Acta Martyrii Ignatiani, published by Rumart, and also in the Collection of the Apostolic Fathers.

jurious manner. The emperor, informed of
these unjust and barbarous proceedings, ad-
dressed an edict to the whole province of Asia,
in which he denounced capital punishment

Compare Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. ix. with
Balduinus ad Edicta Princip. in Christianos, p. 73.
Justin Mart. Apologia secunda, p. 72, edit. Colon.
Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xxvi. p 148.

against such as should, for the future, accuse || many fell victims to cruel superstition and pothe Christians, without being able to prove them guilty of any crime.*

pular fury, seconded by the corruption of a wicked magistracy, and the connivance of a V. This worthy prince was succeeded by prince, who, with respect to one set of men, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the philosopher, forgot those principles of justice and clemency whom most writers have celebrated beyond which directed his conduct toward all others. measure on account of his extraordinary wis- || Among these victims, there were many men of dom and virtue. It is not, however, in his illustrious piety, and some of eminent learning conduct toward the Christians that we must and abilities, such as the holy and venerable look for the reasons of these pompous encomi- Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, and Justin Marums; for, here the clemency and justice of that tyr, so deservedly renowned for his erudition emperor suffer a strange eclipse. He did not, and philosophy.* Many churches, particularly indeed, revoke the edict of Antoninus Pius, or those of Lyons and Vienne, were almost enabrogate the laws which the preceding empe- tirely destroyed, during this violent persecurors had enacted in favour of the Christians; tion, which raged in the year 177, and will be but he did what was equally pernicious to an indelible stain upon the memory of the them. Without examining impartially their prince by whose order it was carried on.† cause, he lent an easy and attentive ear to the most virulent insinuations of their enemies, especially to the malignant calumnies of the philosophers, who accused them of the most horrid crimes and the most monstrous impiety, and charged them with renewing the shocking feasts of Thyests, and the incestuous amours of the Theban prin e; so that, if we except that of Nero, there was o reign under which the Christians were more injuriously and cruelly treated, than under that of the wise and virtuous Marcus Aurelius; and yet there was no reign under which such numerous and victorious Apologies were published in their behalf. Those which Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Tatian, wrote upon this ocasion, are still extant.

VI. This emperor issued against the Christians, whom he regarded as a vain, obstinate, and vicious set of men, edicts, which, upon the whole, were very unjust; though we do not know, at this distance of time, their particular contents. In consequence of these imperial edicts, the judges and magistrates received the accusations, which even slaves, and the vilest of the perjured rabble, brought against the followers of Jesus; and the Christians were put to the most cruel tortures and were condemned to meet death in the most barbarous forms, notwithstanding their perfect innocence, and their persevering and solemn denial of the horrid crimes laid to their charge. The imperial edicts were so positive and express against inflicting punishment upon such of the Christians as were guilty of no crime, that the corrupt judges, who, through motives of interest or popularity, desired their destruction, were obliged to suborn false accusers to charge them with actions that might bring them within the reach of the laws. Hence

*Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xiii. p. 126. It is proper to be observed, that the word crime, in several former edicts, had not been sufficiently determined in its signification; so that we find the enemies of the Christians, and even the Roman magistrates, applying this term to the profession of Christianity. But the equitable edict of this good emperor decided that point on the side of humanity and justice, as appears from the letter he addressed to the province of Asia, in favour of the persecuted Christians, and which concludes with the following words: "If any one, for the future, shall molest the Christians, and accuse them merely on account of their religion, let the person thus accused be discharged, though he is found to be a Christian, and the accuser be punished according to the rigour of the law."

See Melito ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xxvi.

P. 147.

VII. During the reign of Commodus, the Christians suffered very little; no general persecution raged against them; and any cruelties which they endured were confined to a small number, who had newly abandoned the Pagan superstitions. But the scene changed toward the latter end of this century, when Severus was declared emperor. Then Egypt and other provinces were dyed with the blood of martyrs, as appears from the testimonies of Tertullian, Clemens of Alexandria, and other writers. Those, therefore, are not to be followed, who affirm, that the Christians suffered nothing under Severus, before the beginning of the third century, which was distinguished by the cruel edicts of this emperor against their lives and fortunes; for, as the imperial laws against the Christians were not abrogated, and the iniquitous edicts of Trajan and Marcus Antoninus were still in force, there was a door, in consequence, open to the fury and injustice of corrupt magistrates, as often as they were pleased to exercise them upon the church. It was this series of calamities, under which it groaned toward the conclusion of the second century, which engaged Tertullian to write his Apology, and several other books, in defence of the Christians.

VIII. It is very easy to account for the sufferings and calamities with which the disciples of Jesus were loaded, when we consider how they were blackened and rendered odious by the railings, the calumnies, and libels of the Heathen priests, and the other defenders of a corrupt and most abominable system of superstition. The injurious imputations, the horrid charges, of which we took notice above, are mentioned by all those who have written in defence of the Christians, and ought indeed, to stand always upon record, as proofs both of the weakness and wickedness of their adversaries Nothing can be more frivolous and insignificant than the objections with which the most famous defenders of Paganism assailed Christianity at this time; and such as desire a convincing proof of this assertion, have only

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to read the arguments of Celsus on that subject. This philosopher wrote against the Christians during the reign of Adrian, and was admirably refuted, in the following century, by Origen, who represents him as an Epicurean, (a mistake which has been almost generally followed;) whereas it appears with the utmost probability, that he was a Platonic philosopher of the sect of Ammonius.* Be that as it will,

The learned Dr. Lardner does not think it posmonius, since the former lived and wrote in the second century, whereas the latter did not flourish before the third. And indeed we learn from Origen himself, that he knew of two only of the name of Celsus, one who lived in the time of Nero, and the other in the reign of Adrian, and afterwards. The latter was the philosopher who wrote against Christianity,

sible that Celsus could have been of the sect of Am

Celsus was a trifling caviller, as is manifest from the answer of Origen; nor do his writings against Christianity serve any other purpose, than to show his malignant and illiberal turn of mind.

Fronto, the rhetorician, and Crescens, the Cynic philosopher, made also some wretched attempts against Christianity The efforts of the former are only known by the mention that is made of them by Minutius Felix;* and the enterprises of the latter were confined to a vehement zeal for the ruin of the Christians, and a virulent persecution of Justin Martyr, which ended in the cruel death of that eminent saint.† *Octavius, p. 266, edit. Heraldi.

Justin Mart. Apologia secunda, p. 21.-Tatian, Orat. contra Græcos.

PART II.

THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

CHAPTER I.

Concerning the state of Letters and Philosophy acquisitions, to be useful to their country. But

during this Century.

in rendering them fit, by their talents and their the instruction acquired in these schools was more specious than solid; and the youth who received their education in them, distinguished themselves, at their entrance upon the active stage of life, more by empty declamation, than by true eloquence; more by pompous erudition, than by wisdom and dexterity in the management of public affairs. The consequence of this was, that the rhetoricians and sophists, though agreeable to the corrupt taste of the time, which was incapable, generally speaking, of perceiving the native charms of truth, yet fell into contempt among the prudent and the

I. UNDER the reign of Trajan, letters and philosophy came forth from the retreat where they had languished during the savage tyranny of his predecessors, and, by the auspicious protection of that excellent prince, were in some measure restored to their former lustre.* This happy revolution in the republic of letters, was indeed of a short duration, as it was not supported by the following emperors, who were, for the most part, averse to literary pursuits. Even Marcus Antoninus, who surpassed them all in learning, gave protection and encourage-wise, who held in derision the knowledge and ment to the Stoics alone, and, after the example of that supercilious sect, treated the arts and sciences with indifference and contempt.† And here we see the true reason why the writers of this century are, in general, so much inferior to those of the former in point of elegance and purity, eloquence and taste.

II. It must be observed, at the same time, that this degeneracy of erudition and taste did not amount to an utter extinction of the one and the other; for, even in this century, there|| were, both among the Greeks and Romans, men of eminent genius and abilities, who set off, in the most advantageous manner, the learning of the times in which they lived. Among the learned Grecians, the first place is due to Plutarch, a man of vast erudition, whose knowledge was various, but indigested, and whose philosophical taste was corrupted by the sceptical tenets of the academics. There were, likewise, in all the more considerable cities of the Roman empire, rhetoricians, sophists, and grammarians, who, by a variety of learned exercises, seemed zealous in forming the youth to their arts of eloquence and declamation, and

Pn. epist. lib. iii. ep. 18.

the first book of his Meditations, sect. 7, 17.

education acquired in their auditories. Beside the schools now mentioned, there were two public academies in the empire; one at Rome, founded by Adrian, in which all the sciences were taught; and the other at Berytus in Phonicia, which was principally destined for the education of youth in the science of law.*

III. Many philosophers of all the different sects flourished at this time, whose names we do not think it necessary to mention. Two, however, there were, of such remarkable and shining merit, as rendered them real ornaments to the Stoic philosophy; which the meditations of Marcus Antoninus and the manual of Epictetus abundantly testify. These two great men had more admirers than disciples and followers; for, in this century, the Stoical sect was not in the highest esteem, as the rigour and austerity of its doctrine were by no means suited to the dissolute manners of the times. The Platonic schools were more frequented for several reasons, and particularly for these two,

* See the Meditations of Marcus Antoninus, book i sect. 7, 10.

Justin Mart. Dialog. cum Tryphone, op. p. 218, &e. We find also many of these philosophers mentioned us the meditations of Marcus Antoninus.

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