||

destroy the robbers that infested the public Hugues des Payens, Geoffrey of St. Aldemer, roads, to harass the Moslems by perpetual in- or of St. Amour, as some will have it, and roads and warlike achievements, to assist the seven other persons, whose names are unpoor and sick pilgrims, whom the devotion of known; but it was not before the year 1228 the times conducted to the holy sepulchre, that it acquired a proper degree of stability. and to perform other services that tended to the by being solemnly confirmed in the council of general good. The first order was that of the Troyes, and subjected to a rule of discipline Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, who de-drawn up by St. Bernard.* These warlike rived their name, and particularly that of Hos-templars were to defend and support the cause pitalers, from an hospital in that city, dedi- of Christianity by force of armis, to have incated to St. John the Baptist, in which certain spection over the public roads, and to protect pious and charitable brethren were constantly the pilgrims, who came to visit Jerusalem, employed in relieving and refreshing with against the insults and barbarity of the Mosnecessary supplies the indigent and diseased lems. The order flourished for some time, pilgrims, who were daily arriving at Jerusalem. and acquired, by the valour of its knights, imWhen this city became the metropolis of a mense riches, and an eminent degree of military new kingdom, the revenues of the hospital renown; but, as their prosperity increased, their were so highly augmented by the liberality of vices were multiplicd, and their arrogance, several princes, and the pious donations of such luxury, and inhuman cruelty, rose at last to opulent persons as frequented the holy places, such a monstrous height, that their privileges that they far surpassed the wants of those were revoked, and their order suppressed with whom they were designed to cherish and re- the most terrible circumstances of infamy and lieve. Hence it was that Raymond du Puy,|| severity, by a decree of the pope and of the who was the ruler of this charitable house, council of Vienne in Dauphine, as we shall see offered to the king of Jerusalem to make war in the history of the fourteenth century.t upon the Mohammedans at his own expense, seconded by his brethren, who served under nim in this famous hospital. Baldwin II. to whom this proposal was made, readily accepted it, and the enterprise was solemnly approved and confirmed by the authority of the Roman pontiff. Thus was the world surprised with the strange transformation of a devout fraternity, who had lived remote from the noise and tumult of arms, in the performance of works of charity and mercy, into a valiant and hardy band of warriors. The whole order was upon this occasion divided into three classes: the first contained the knights, or soldiers of illustrious birth, who were to unsheath their swords in the Christian cause; in the second were comprehended the priests, who were to officiate in the churches that belonged to the order; and in the third were the serving brethren, or the soldiers of low condition. This celebrated order gave, upon many occasions, eminent proofs of resolution and valour, and acquired immense opulence by heroic exploits. When Palestine was irrecoverably lost, the knights passed into the isle of Cyprus; they afterwards made themselves masters of the isle of Rhodes, where they maintained themselves for a long time; but, being finally driven thence by the Turks, they received from the emperor Charles V. a grant of the island of Malta.†

XIV. Another order, which was entirely of a military nature, was that of the knights templars, so called from a palace, adjoining to the temple of Jerusalem, which was appopriated to their use for a certain time by Baldwin II. The foundations of this order were laid at Jerusalem, in the year 1118, by

*The writers, who have given the history of these three orders, are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Bibliograph. Antiquar. p. 465; but his enumeration is not complete.

The best and the most recent history of this order is that which was composed by Vertot at the request of the knights of Malta; it was first published at Paris, and afterwards at Amsterdam, in five volumes 8vo. in the year 1732. See also Helyot's Hist. des Ordres, tome it'. p. 72.

XV. The third order resembled the first in this respect, that, though it was a military institution, the care of the poor and relief of the sick were not excluded from the services it prescribed. Its members were distinguished by the title of Teutonic Knights of St. Mary of Jerusalem; and as to its rise, we cannot, with any degree of certainty, trace it farther back than the year 1190, during the siege of Acre, or Ptolemais, though there are historians adventurous enough to seek its origin (which they place at Jerusalem) in a more remote period. During the long and tedious siege of Acre, several pious and charitable merchants of Bremen and Lubeck, moved with compassion at the sight of the miseries which the besiegers suffered in the midst of their success, devoted themselves entirely to the service of the sick and wounded soldiers, and erected a kind of hospital, or tent, where they gave constant attendance to all such un happy objects as had recourse to their charity This pious undertaking was so agreeable to the German princes, who were present at this terrible siege, that they thought prope to form a fraternity of German knights to bring it to perfection. Their resolution was highly approved by pope Celestine III. who confirmed the new order by a bull issued on the twentythird of February, A. D. 1192. This order was entirely appropriated to the Germans; and even of them none were admitted as members of it, but such as were of an illustrious birth. The support of Christianity, the defence of the Holy Land, and the relief of the poor and needy, were the important duties and services to which the Teutonic knights devoted themselves by a solemn vow. Austerity and frugality were the first characteristics of this rising

*See Mabillon, Annal. Benedict. tom. vi. p. 159. † See Matthew Paris, Histor. Major. p. 56, for an account of the commencement of this order. See also Putean, Histoire de l'Ordre Militaire des Tenpliers, which was republished with considerable additions, at Brussels, in 4to. in the year 1751: and Nic. Gurtleri Historia Templariorum Militura, Ara stelodam. 1691, in 8vo.

order, and the equestrian garment,* bread, and || sons that inflamed the resentment of this water, were the only rewards which the knights derived from their generous labours. But as, according to the fate of human things, prosperity generates corruption, so it happened that this austerity was of a short duration, and diminished in proportion as the revenues and possessions of the order were augmented. The Teutonic knights, after their retreat from Palestine, made themselves masters of Prussia, Livonia, Courland, and Semigallia; but, in process of time, their victorious arms received several checks; and when the light of the reformation arose upon Germany, they were deprived of the richest provinces which they possessed in that country; though they still retain there a certain portion of their ancient territories.†

CHAPTER II.

Concerning the Calamitous Events that happened

to the Church during this Century.

I. THE progress of Christianity in the west had disarmed its most inveterate enemies, and deprived them of the power of doing much mischief, though they still entertained the same aversion to the disciples of Jesus. The Jews || and Pagans were no longer able to oppose the propagation of the Gospel, or to oppress its ministers. Their malignity remained; but their credit and authority were gone. The Jews were accused by the Christians of various crimes, whether real or fictitious we shall not determine; but, instead of attacking their accusers, they were content to defend their own lives, and secure their persons, without daring to give vent to their resentment. Affairs were in a somewhat different state in the northern provinces. The Pagans were yet numerous there in several districts; and wherever they composed the majority, they persecuted the Christians with the utmost barbarity, the most unrelenting and merciless fury. It is true, the Christian kings and princes, who lived in the neighbourhood of these persecuting barbarians, checked by degrees their impetuous rage, and never ceased to harass and weaken them by hostilities and incursions, until at length they subdued them entirely, and deprived them, by force, both of their independence and their superstitions.

II. The writers of this century complain grievously of the inhuman rage with which the Saracens persecuted the Christians in the east; nor can we question the truth of what they relate on the subject of this severe persecution. But they pass over in silence the principal rea

* This garment was a white mantle with a black

cross.

† See Raymondi Duellii Histor. Ord. Teutonici, published in folio at Vienna, in 1727.-Chronicon Prussia, by Peter Dufburg, published in 4to. at Jena, in the year 1679, by Christoph. Hartknoch--Helyot, Hist. des Ordres, tome iii. p. 140.-Chronicon Ordinis Teutonici, in Anton. Matthæi Analectis veteris evi, tom. v. p. 621, 658, ed. nov.-Privilegia Ordinis Teutonici in Petr. a Ludewig Reliquiis Manuscriptor. tom. vi. p. 43.

Helmold, Chronic. Sclavor. lib. i. cap. xxxiv. p. 22, cap. xxxv. p. 89, cap. xl. p. 99.-Lindenbrogii Scriptor. Septentrional. p. 195, 196, 201.-Petri Lamacii Res Hamburg. lib. i. p. 23.

fierce people, and voluntarily forget that the Christians were the aggressors in this dreadful war. If we consider the matter with impartiality and candour, the conduct of the Sara cens, however barbarous it may have been, will not appear so surprising, particularly when we reflect on the provocations they received. In the first place, they had a right, by the laws of war, to repel by force the violent invasion of their country; and the Christians could not expect, without being chargeable with the most audacious impudence, that a people whom they attacked with a formidable army, and whom, in the fury of their misguided zeal, they massacred without mercy, should receive insults with a tame submission, and give up their lives and possessions without resistance. It must also be confessed, though with sorrow, that the Christians did not content themselves with making war upon the Mohammedans in order to rescue Jerusalem and the holy sepulchre out of their hands, but carried their brutal fury to the greatest length, disgraced their cause by the most detestable crimes, filled the eastern provinces through which they passed with scenes of horror, and made the Saracens feel the terrible effects of their violence and barbarity wherever their arms were successful. Is it then so surprising to see the infidel Saracens committing, by way of reprisal, the same barbarities that the holy warriors had perpetrated without the least provocation? Is there any thing so new and so extraordinary in this, that a people naturally fierce, and exasperated, moreover, by the calamities of a religious war, carried on against them in contradiction to all the dictates of justice and humanity, should avenge themselves upon the Christians who resided in Palestine, as professing the religion which gave occasion to the war, and attached, of consequence, to the cause of their enemies and invaders?

III. The rapid and amazing victories of the great Genghiz-Khan, emperor of the Tartars, gave an unhappy turn to the affairs of the Christians in the northern parts of Asia, near the close of this century. This warlike prince, who was by birth a Mogul, and whose military exploits raise him in the list of fame above almost all the commanders either of ancient or modern times, rendered his name formidable throughout all Asia, whose most flourishing dynasties fell successively before his victorious arms. David, or Unkhan, who, according to some, was the son, or, as others will have it, the brother, but who was certainly the successor, of the famous Prester John, and was himself so called in common discourse, was the first victim that Genghiz sacrificed to his boundless ambition. He invaded his territory, and put to flight his troops in a bloody battle, where David lost, at the same time, his king dom and his life.* The princes, who governed

*The Greek, Latin, and Oriental writers are far from being agreed concerning the year in which the emperor of the Tartars attacked and defeated Prester John. The greater part of the Latin writers place this event in the year 1202, and consequently in the thirteenth century. But Marcus Paulus Venetus (in his book de Regionibus Orientalibus, lib. i. cap. li. lii. lin.) and other historians whose accounts

the Turks, Indians, and the province of Ca- | cause lost much of its authority and credit in thay, fell, in their turn, before the victorious the provinces that had been ruled by Prester Tartar, and were all either put to death, or John and his successor David, and continued rendered tributary; nor did Genghiz stop here, to decline and lose ground until it sunk enbut proceeding into Persia, India, and Arabia, tirely under the weight of oppression, and was he overturned the Saracen dominion in those succeeded in some places by the errors of the regions, and substituted that of the Tartars in Mohammedan faith, and in others by the su its place.* From this period the Christian perstitions of paganism. We must except, however, in this general account, the kingdom of Tangut, the chief residence of Prester John, in which his posterity, who persevered in the profession of Christianity, maintained, for a long time, a certain sort of tributary dominion, which exhibited, indeed, but a faint shadow

I have followed as the most probable, place the defeat
of this second Prester John in the year 1187. The
learned and histrious Demetrius Cantemir (in his
Præf. ad Histor. Imperii Ottomanici, p. 45, tom. i. of
the French edition) gives an account of this matter
different from the two now mentioned, and affirms,
upon the authority of the Arabian writers, that Geng-of their former grandeur.*
hiz did not invade the territories of his neighbours
before the year 1214.

*See Petit de la Croix Histoire de Genghiz-Can, p. 120, 121, published in 12mo. at Paris in the year 1711.-Herbelot, Biblioth. Oriental. at the article Genghiz-Khan, p. 378.-Assemani Biblioth. Oriental.

Vatican. tom. iii. part i. p. 101, and 235.-Jean du
Plan Carpin, Voyage en Tartarie, ch. v. in the Re
cueil des Voyages au Nord, tome vii. p. 350.
*Assemani Biblioth. Oriental. Vatican, tom. ii.
part ii. p. 500.

PART II.

THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

CHAPTER I.

have been the Aristotelian philosophy that was favoured in such a distinguished manner by

Concerning the state of Letters and Philosophy this eminent prelate; and it was in the illustra

during this Century.

tion and improvement of this profound and intricate system that those Greeks who had a philosophical turn were principally employed, as appears from several remains of ancient erudition, and particularly from the commentaries of Eustratius upon the ethics and other treatises of the Grecian sage. We are not, however, to imagine that the sublime wisdom of Plato was neglected in this century, or that his doctrines had fallen into disrepute. It appears, on the contrary, that they were adopted by many. Such, more especially, as had imbibed the precepts and spirit of the Mystics preferred them infinitely to the Peripatetic philosophy, which they considered as an endless source of sophistry and presumption, while they looked upon the Platonic system as the philosophy of reason and piety, of candour and virtue. This diversity of sentiment produced the famous controversy, which was managed with such vehemence and erudition among the Greeks, concerning the respective merit and excellence of the Peripatetic and Platonic doctrines.

1. NOTWITHSTANDING the decline of the Grecian empire, the calamities in which it was repeatedly involved, and the frequent revolutions and civil wars that consumed its strength, and were precipitating its ruin, the arts and sciences still flourished in Greece, and covered with glory such as cultivated them with assiduity and success. This may be ascribed, not only to the liberality of the emperors, and to the extraordinary zeal which the family of the Comneni discovered for the advancement of learning, but also to the provident vigilance of the patriarchs of Constantinople, who took all possible measures to prevent the clergy from falling into ignorance and sloth, lest the Greek church should thus be deprived of able champions to defend its cause against the Latins. The learned and ingenious commentaries of Eustathius, bishop of Thessalonica, upon Homer and Dionysius the Geographer, are sufficient to show the diligence and labour that were employed by men of the first genius in the improvement of classical erudition, and in the study of antiquity. And if we turn our view toward the various writers who composed in this century the history of their own times, such as Cinnamus, Glycas, Zonaras, Nicepho-ence were studied with the greatest applicarus, Briennius and others, we shall find in their productions undoubted marks of learning and genius, as well as of a laudable ambition to obtain the esteem and approbation of future ages. II. Nothing could equal the zeal and enthusiasm with which Michael Anchialus, patriarch of Constantinople, encouraged the study of philosophy by his munificence, and still more by the extraordinary influence of his illustrious example.* It seems, however, to

*Tasodorus Balsamon, Præf. ad Photii Nomocan

III. In the western world the pursuit of knowledge was now carried on with incredible emulation and ardour; and all branches of sci

tion and industry. This literary enthusiasm was encouraged and supported by the influence and liberality of some of the European monarchs, and Roman pontiffs, who perceived the happy tendency of the sciences to soften the savage manners of uncivilized nations, and thereby to administer an additional support te civil government, as well as an ornament to human society. Hence learned societies were formed, and colleges established, in which the

onem in Henr. Justelli Bibliotbeca Juris canoni veteris to ii. p. 14.

theology which had no merit but its simplicity, and which was drawn, without the least order or connexion, from diverse passages of the Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris. tom. ii. p. 215. Pocholy scriptures, and from the opinions and inquet de la Livoniere, Dissert. sur l'Antiquite de ventions of the primitive doctors, but that phi

losophical or scholastic theology which, with
the deepest abstraction, traced divine truth to
its first principles, and thence followed it into
its various connexions and branches. Nor was
theology alone added to the ancient circle of
sciences; the studies of the learned languages,
of the civil and canon law, and of physic,t
were now brought into high repute. Par-
ticular academes were consecrated to the
culture of each of these sciences, in various
places; and thus it was natural to consider
them as important branches of erudition, and
an acquaintance with them as a qualification
*See B. Bohmeri Jus Eccles. Protestant. tom. iv.
p. 705.
The word physica, though, according to its
etymology, it de notes the study of natural philosophy
in general, was, in the twelfth century, applied par-
ticularly to medicinal studies; and it has also pre
served that limited sense in the English language.

necessary to such as aimed at universal learning. All this required a considerable change in the division of the sciences hitherto received; and this change was accordingly brought about. The seven liberal arts were, by degrees, reduced to one general title, and were compreherded under the name of philosophy, to which theology, jurisprudence, and physic, were added. And hence originated the four classes of science, or, to use the academic phrase, the four faculties which prevailed in the universities, in the following century.

VI. No sooner was the civil law placed in the number of the sciences, and considered as an important branch of academical learning, than the Roman pontiffs, and their zealous adherents, judged it, not only expedient, but also highly necessary, that the canon law should have the same privilege. There ex isted, before this time, certain collections of the canons or laws of the church; but these collections were so destitute of order and method, and were so defective, both in respect to matter and form, that they could not be conveniently explained in the schools, or be brought into use as systems of ecclesiastical polity. Hence it was, that Gratian, a Benedictine monk, belonging to the convent of St. Felix and Nabor at Bologna, and by birth a Tuscan composed, about the year 1130, for the use of the schools, an abridgement, or Epitome of Canon Law, drawn from the letters of the pontiffs, the decrees of councils, and the writings of the ancient doctors. Pope Eugenius III. was extremely pleased with this work, which was also received with the highest applause by the doctors and professors of Bologna, and was unanimously adopted, as the text they were to follow in their public lectures. The professors at Paris were the first that fol lowed the example of those of Bologna, which,

V. A happy and unexpected event restored in Italy the lustre and authority of the ancient Roman law, and, at the same time, lessened the credit of those systems of legislation which had been received for several ages past. This event was the discovery of the original manuscript of the famous Pandect of Justinian, which was found in the ruins of Amalphi, or|| Melfi, when that city was taken by Lotharius II. in 1137, and of which that emperor made a present to the inhabitants of Pisa, whose fleet had contributed, in a particular manner, to the success of the siege. This admirable collection, which had been almost buried in oblivion, was no sooner recovered, than the Roman law became the grand object of the studies and labours of the learned. In the academy of Bologna, colleges were erected ex-in process of time, was imitated by the great pressly for the study of the Roman jurisprudence; and these excellent institutions were multiplied in several parts of Italy, in process of time, and animated other European nations to imitate so wise an example. Hence arose a great revolution in the public tribunals, and an entire change in their judicial proceedings. Hitherto different systems of law had been followed in different courts; and every person of distinction, particularly among the Franks, had the liberty of choosing that code of law which was to be the rule of his conduct. But the Roman law acquired such credit and authority, that it superseded, by degrees, all other laws in the greatest part of Europe, and was substituted in the place of the Salic, Lombard, and Burgundian codes, which before this period were in the highest reputation. It is an ancient opinion, that Lotharius II. pursuant to the counsels and solicitations of Irnerius,* principal professor of the Roman law in the academy of Bologna, published an edict enjoining the abrogation of all the statutes then in force, and substituting in their place the Roman law, by which, for the future, all without exception were to modify their contracts, terminate their differences, and regulate their actions. But this opinion, as many learned men have abundantly proved,† is far from being supported by sufficient evidence.

* Otherwise called Werner.

See Herm. Conringius de Origine Juris Germanici, cap. xxii. Guido Grandus, Epist. de Pandectis, p. 21, 69, published at Florence, in 4to. in 1737.-Henry Brencmann, Historia Pandectar. p. 41.-Lud. Ant. Muratori, Præf. ad Leges Langobardicas, apud scriptor. rerum Ital. tom. i. part ii. p. 4, &c. Antiq. Ital. medii ævi, tom. ii. p. 285. There was a warm controversy carried on concerning this matter between George Calixtus and Barthol. Nihusius, the latter of whom embraced the vulgar opinion concerning the edict of Lotharius, obtained by the solicitations of Irnerius; of this controversy there is a cir

est part of the European colleges. But, notwithstanding the encomiums bestowed upon this performance, which was commonly called the decretal of Gratian,* and was entitled, by the author himself, the re-union or coalition of the jarring canons,† several most learned and eminent writers of the Romish communion acknowledge, that it is full of errors and defects. As, however, the main design of this abridgement was to support the despotism, and to extend the authority of the Roman pontiffs, its innumerable defects were overlooked, its merits were exaggerated; and, what is still more surprising, it enjoys, at this day, in an age of light and liberty, that high degree of veneration and authority, which was inconsiderately, though more excusably, lavished upon it in an age of tyranny, superstition, and darkness.§

cumstantial account in the Cimbria Literata o Mollerus, tom. iii. p. 142.

*Decretum Gratiani.

† Concordia Discordantium Canonum.

See, among others, Anton. Augustinus, De Emendatione Gratiani, published in 8vo. at Arnheim A. D. 1678, with the learned observations of Steph. Baluze and Ger. a Maestricht.

§ See Gerhard. a Maestricht, Historia Juris Ecclesiastici, sect. 293, p. 325.-B. Just. Hen. Bohmer's Jus Eccles. Protestant, tom. i. p. 100, and more par

ticularly the learned Preface, with which he enriched the new edition of the Canon Law, published at Halle in 4to. in the year 1747. See also Alex. Machiavelli Observationes ad Sigonii Histor. Boncniensem, tom. iii. Oper. Sigonii, p. 128. This writer has drawn, from the Kalendarium Archi-Gymnasii Bononiensis, several particularities concerning Gra tian and his work, which were generally unknown, but whose truth is also much disputed. What in creases the suspicion of their being fabulous is, that this famous Kalendar, of which the Bolognese boast so much, and which they have so often promised to publish in order to dispel the doubts of the learned, has never yet seen the light. Besides, in the frag ments that have appeared, there are manifest marks of unfair dealing.