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tants of the mountains Libanus and Anti-Libanus, being dreadfully infested with wild beasts, implored the assistance and counsels of the famous Simeon the Stylite, of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter. Simeon gave them for answer, that the only effectual method of removing this calamity was, to abandon the superstitious worship of their ancestors, and substitute the Christian religion in its place. The docility of this people, joined to the extremities to which they were reduced, engaged them to follow the counsels of this holy man. They embraced Christianity, and, in consequence of their conversion, they had the pleasure of seeing their savage enemies abandon their habitations, if we may believe the writers who affirm the truth of this prodigy. The same Simeon, by his influence and authority, introduced the Christian worship nto a certain district of the Arabians: some allege, that this also was effected by a miracle, which to me appears more than doubtful. To these instances of the progress of the Gospel, we may add the conversion of a considerable number of Jews in the isle of Crete: finding themselves grossly deluded by the impious pretensions of an impostor, called Moses Cretensis, who gave himself out for the Messiah, they opened their eyes upon the truth, and spontaneously embraced the Christian religion. IV. The German nations, who rent in pieces the Roman empire in the west, were not all converted to Christianity at the same time. Some of them had embraced the truth before the time of their incursion; and such, among others, was the case of the Goths. Others, after having erected their little kingdoms in the empire, embraced the Gospel, that they might thus live with more security amidst a people, who, in general, professed the Christian religion. It is, however, uncertain (and likely to continue so) at what time, and by whose ministry, the Vandals, Sueves, and Alans, were converted to Christianity. With respect to the Burgundians, who inhabited the banks of the Rhine, and thence passed into Gaul, we are informed, by Socrates,§ that they embraced the Gospel of their own accord, from a notion that Christ, or the God of the Romans, who had been represented to them as a most powerful being, would defend them against the rapines and incursions of the Huns. They afterwards sided with the Arian party, to which also the Vandals, Sueves, and Goths, were zealously attached. All these fierce and warlike nations considered a religion as excellent, in proportion

* Vide idem Opus, tom. i. p. 246. We shall give the relation of Socrates, concerning this impostor, in the words of the learned and estimable author of the Remarks on Ecclesiastical History. "In the time of Theodosius the younger, an impostor rose, called Moses Cretensis. He pretended to be a second Moses, sent to deliver the Jews who dwelt in Crete, and promised to divide the sea, and give them a safe passage through it. They assembled together, with their wives and children, and followed him to a promontory. He there commanded them to cast themselves into the sea. Many of them obeyed, and perished in the waters; and many were taken up and saved by fishermen. Upon this, the deluded Jews would have torn the mpostor to pieces; but he escaped them, and was seen no See Jortin's Remarks, vol. iii. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. lib. vii. cap. xxxviii. p. 383. Socrat. lib. vii, cap. xxx. p. 371.

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to the success which crowned the arms of those who professed it; and, therefore, when they saw the Romans in possession of an empire much more extensive than that of any other people, they concluded that Christ, their God, was of all others the most worthy of religious homage.

V. It was the same principle, as well as the same views, that engaged Clovis,* king of the Salii, a nation of the Franks, to embrace Christianity. This prince, whose signal valour was accompanied with barbarity, arrogance, and injustice, founded the kingdom of the Franks in Gaul, after having made himself master of a great part of that country, and meditated with remarkable eagerness and avidity the conquest of the whole. His conversion to the Christian religion is dated from the battle he fought with the Alemans, in 496, at a village called Tolbiacum;† in which, when the Franks began to give ground, and their affairs seemed desperate. he implored the assistance of Christ (whom his queen Clotildis, daughter of the king of the Burgundians, had often represented to him, in vain, as the Son of the true God,) and solemnly engaged himself, by a vow, to worship him as his God, if he would render him victorious over his enemies. Victory decided in favour of the Franks; and Clovis, faithful to his engagement, received baptism at Rheims, toward the conclusion of the same year, after having been instructed by Remigius, bishop of that city, in the doctrines of Christianity. The example of the king had such a powerful effect upon the minds of his subjects, that three thousand of them immediately followed it, and were baptized with him. Many are of opinion, that the desire of extending his dominions principally contributed to render Clovis faithful to his engagement, though some influence may also be allowed to the zeal and exhortations of his queen Clotildis. Be that as it will, nothing is more certain than that his profession of Christianity was, in effect, of great use to him, both in confirming and en larging his empire.

The miracles, which are said to have been wrought at the baptism of Clovis, are unworthy of the smallest degree of credit. Among others, the principal prodigy, that of the phial full of oil said to have been brought from heaven by a milk-white dove during the ceremony of baptism, is a fiction, or rather, perhaps, an imposture; a pretended miracle contrived by artifice and fraud.|| Pious frauds of this na

Beside the name of Clovis, this prince was also called Clodovæus, Hludovicus, Ludovicus, aud Ludicin. Tolbiacum is thought to be the present Zulpick which is about twelve miles from Cologne.

See Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, lib. i. cap. xxx. xxxi.-Count Bunau's Historia Imperii Romano-Germanici, tom. i. p. 588.-Du Bos' Histoire Critique de la Monarchie Francoise, tom. ii. p. 340.

The epitomiser of the history of the Franks tells us, that Remigius having preached to Clovis, and those who had been baptised with him, a sermon on the passion of our Saviour, the king, in hearing him, could not forbear crying out, "If I had been there with my Franks, that should not have happened."

The truth of this miracle has been denied by the learned John James Chiflet, in his book De Ampulla Rhemens printed at Antwerp, in 1651; and it has been affirmed by Vertot, in the Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres, tom. iv. p. 350. After

ture were very frequently practised in Gaul and || which has ever since remained the metropoli in Spain at this time, in order to captivate, with more facility, the minds of a rude and barbarous people, who were scarcely susceptible of a rational conviction.

The conversion of Clovis is looked upon by the learned as the origin of the titles of most Christian King, and Eldest Son of the Church, which have been so long attributed to the kings of France; for, if we except this prince, all the kings of those barbarous nations, who seized the Roman provinces, were either yet involved in the darkness of Paganism, or infected with the Arian heresy.

tan see of the Irish nation. Hence this famous missionary, though not the first who brought among that people the light of the Gospel, has yet been justly entitled the Apostle of the Irish, and the father of the Hibernian church, ana is still generally acknowledged and revered in that honourable character.

VII. The causes and circumstances by which these different nations were engaged to abandon the superstition of their ancestors, and to embrace the religion of Jesus, may be easily deduced from the facts we have related in the history of their conversion. It would, indeed, VI. Celestine, the Roman pontiff, sent Pal- be an instance of the blindest and most perladius into Ireland, to propagate the Christian verse partiality, not to acknowledge, that the religion among the rude inhabitants of that labours and zeal of great and eminent men conisland. This first mission was not attended tributed to this happy purpose, and were the with much fruit; nor did the success of Palla- means by which the darkness of many was dius bear any proportion to his laborious and turned into light. But, on the other hand, pious endeavours. After his death, the same they must be very inattentive and superficial pontiff employed, in this mission, Succathus, a observers of things, who do not perceive that native of Scotland, whose name he changed the fear of punishment, the prospect of honours into that of Patrick, and who arrived among and advantages, and the desire of obtaining the Irish in 432. The success of his ministry, succour against their enemies from the counand the number and importance of his pious tenance of the Christians, or the miraculous exploits, stand upon record as undoubted proofs, influences of their religion, were the prevailing not only of his resolution and patience, but motives that induced the greatest part to realso of his dexterity and address. Having at-nounce the service of their impotent gods. tacked, with much more success than his predecessor, the errors and superstitions of that uncivilized people, and brought great numbers of them over to the Christian religion, he founded, in 472, the archbishopric of Armagh,

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How far these conversions were due to reai miracles attending the ministry of the early preachers, is a matter extremely difficult to be determined; for, though I am persuaded that those pious men, who, in the midst of many dangers, and in the face of obstacles seemingly a mature consideration of what has been alleged on both invincible, endeavoured to spread the light of sides of the question, I can scarcely venture to deny the Christianity among the barbarous nations, were fact: I am therefore of opinion, that, in order to confirm sometimes accompanied with the more peculiar and fix the wavering faith of this barbarian prince, Represence and succours of the Most High,* yet migius had prepared his measures before-hand, and trained a pigeon, by great application and dexterity, in I am equally convinced, that the greatest rart such a manner, that, during the baptism of Clovis, it de- of the prodigies, recorded in the histories of scended from the roof of the church with a phial of oil. this age, are liable to the strongest suspicions Among the records of this century, we find accounts of of falsehood or imposture. The simplicity and many such miracies. There is one circumstance, which obliges me to differ from Dr. Mosheim upon this ignorance of the generality in those times furpoint, and to look upon the story of the famous phial nished the most favourable occasion for the exrather as a mere fiction, than as a pious fraud, or pre-ercise of fraud, and the impudence of impostended miracle brought about by artifice; and that circumstance is, that Gregory of Tours, from whom we have a full account of the conversion and baptism of Clovis, and who, from his proximity to this time, may almost be called a contemporary writer, has not made the least mention of this famous miracle. This omission, in a writer whom the Roman catholics themselves consider as an over-credulous historian, amounts to a proof, that, in his time, this fable was not yet invented.

*See Gab. Daniel et De Camps, Dissert. de Titulo Regis Christianissimi, in the Journal des Scavans for the year 1720, p. 243, 336, 404, 448.-Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 466.

From the fragments of the lives of some Irish bishops who are said to have converted many of their countrymen in the fourth century, archbishop Usher concludes, that Palladius was not the first bishop of Ireland (see his Antiquities of the British Church;) but it has been evidently proved, among others by Bollandus, that these fragments are of no earlier date than the twelfth century, and are besides, for the most part, fabulous. Dr. Mosheim's opinion is farther confirmed by the authority of Prosper, which is decisive in this matter.

See the Acta Sanctor. tom. ii. Martii, p. 517, tom. iii. Februar. p. 131, 179; and the Hibernia Sacra of Sir James Ware, printed at Dublin in 1717. The latter published at London, in 1656, the Works of St. Patrick. Accounts of the synods, that were holden by this eminent missionary, are to be found in Wilkins' Concilia Magnæ Brit. et Hiberniæ, tom. i. With respect to the famous ave called the Purgatory of St. Patrick, the reader may

tors, in contriving false miracles, was artfully proportioned to the credulity of the vulgar, ed these cheats, were overawed into silence by while the sagacious and the wise, who perceivthe dangers that threatened their lives and fortunes, if they should expose the artifice. Thus does it generally happen in human life, that, when danger attends the discovery and profession of the truth, the prudent are silent, the multitude believe, and impostors triumph

consult Le Brun, Histoire Critique des Pratiques superstitieuses, tom. iv. p. 34.

There is a remarkable passage, relating to the miracles of this century, in the dialogue of Æneas Gazeus concerning the immortality of the soul, entitled Theo phrastus. See the controversy concerning the time when miracles ceased in the church, that was carried on about the middle of the eighteenth century, on occasion of Dr. Middleton's Free Inquiry.

t This is ingenuously confessed by the Benedictine monks in their Literary History of France, tom. ii. J. 33, and happily expressed by Lívy, Hist. lib. xxiv. cap. x. sect. 6. "Prodigia multa nuntiata sunt, quæ quo magis credebant simplices et religiosi homines, co plura nuntiabantur."

Sulpitius Severus, Dia!. i. p. 438. Ep. i. p. 457. Dial, iii. cap. ii. p. 487.

CHAPTER II.

Concerning the Calamitous Events which happened to the Church during this Century.

from the government of the universe. Agains these phrenetic infidels, Salvian wrote his book concerning the divine government.

III. Hitherto we have given only a general view of the sufferings of the Christians; it is, however, proper, that we should enter into a more distinct and particular account of those misfortunes.

I. Ir has been already observed, that the Goths, Heruli, Franks, Huns, and Vandals, with other fierce and warlike nations, for the most part strangers to Christianity, had in- In Gaul, and the neighbouring provinces, vaded the Roman empire, and rent it asunder the Goths and Vandals (whose cruel and sacri in the most deplorable manner. Amidst these legious soldiery respected neither the majesty calamities, the Christians were grievous (we of religion, nor the rights of humanity) commay venture to say, the principal) sufferers.mitted acts of barbarity and violence against a It is true, these savage nations were much multitude of Christians. more intent upon the acquisition of wealth and dominion, than upon the propagation or support of the pagan superstitions; nor did their cruelty and opposition to the Christians arise from any religious principle, or from an enthusiastic desire to ruin the cause of Christianity; it was merely by the instigation of the Pagans who remained yet in the empire, that they were excited to treat with such severity and violence the followers of Christ. The painful consideration of their abrogated rites, and the hopes of recovering their former liberty and privileges by the means of their new masters, induced the worshippers of the gods to seize with avidity every opportunity of inspiring them with the most bitter aversion to the Christians. Their endeavours, however, were without the desired effect, and their expectations were entirely disappointed. The greatest part of these barbarians embraced Christianity, though it be also true, that, in the beginning of their usurpations, the professors of that religion suffered heavily under the rigour of their government.

In Britain, a long series of tumults and divisions involved the Christians in many troubles. When the affairs of the Romans declined in that country, the Britons were tormented by the Picts and Scots, nations remarkable for their violence and ferocity. Hence, after many sufferings and disasters, they chose, in 445, Vortigern for their king. This prince, finding himself too weak to make head against the enemies of his country, called the Anglo-Saxons from Germany to his aid, about the year 449. The consequences of this measure were pernicious; and it soon appeared, that the warriors, who came as auxiliaries into Britain, oppressed it with calamities more grievous than those which it had suffered from its enemies; for the Saxons aimed at nothing less than to subdue the ancient inhabitants of the country, and to reduce the whole island under their dominion. Hence a most bloody and obstinate war arose between the Britons and Saxons, which, after having been carried on, during a hundred and thirty years, with various success, ended in the final defeat of the Britons, who were at length constrained to seek a retreat in Wales. During these commotions, the state of the British church was deplorable beyond expression; it was almost totally overwhelmed and extinguished by the Anglo-Saxons, who adhered to the worship of the gods, and put an immense number of Christians to the most cruel deaths.*

II. To destroy the credit of the Gospel, and to excite the hatred of the multitude against the Christians, the Pagans took occasion, from the calamities and tumults which distracted the empire, to renew the obsolete complaint of their ancestors against Christianity, as the source of these complicated woes. They alleged that, before the coming of Christ, the world was blessed with peace and prosperity; but that, since the progress of his religion every where, the gods, filled with indignation to see their worship neglected and their altars abandoned, had visited the earth with those plagues and desolations, which increased every day. This feeble objection was entirely removed by Augustin, in his book de Civitate Dei; a work exceedingly rich and ample in point of matter, and filled with the most profound and diversi-guished soon after its commencement. fied erudition. It also drew a complete confutation from the learned pen of Orosius, who, in a history written expressly for that purpose, showed, with the strongest evidence, that not only the same calamities now complained of, but also plagues of a much more dreadful kind, had afflicted mankind before the Christian religion appeared in the world.

IV. In Persia, the Christians suffered grievously by the imprudent zeal of Abdas, bishop of Susa, who pulled down the Pyræum, which was a temple dedicated to fire; for, when this obstinate prelate was ordered by the king (Yezdejird) to rebuild that temple, he refused to comply; for which he was put to death in 414, and the churches of the Christians were demolished. This persecution was not, however. of long duration, but seems to have been extin

The misfortunes of the times produced still more pernicious effects upon the religious sentiments of the Gauls. They introduced among that people the most desperate notions, and led many of them to reject the belief of a superntending providence, and to exclude the Deity

Warharan or Bahram, the son of the monarch already mentioned, treated the Christians, in 421, in a manner yet more barbarous and inhuman, to which he was led partly by the instigation of the Magi, and partly by his keen aversion to the Romans, with whom he was at war; for, as often as the Persians and the Romans were at variance, the Christians, who dwelt in Persia, felt new and redoubled effects of their monarch's wrath; and this from a prevailing notion, not perhaps entirely ground

Antiquitat. Ecclesia Britannica, cap. xii. p. 415, auf
See, beside Bede and Gildas, archbishop Usher'
Rapin's Histoire d'Angleterre, tom. i. livr. ii.

less, that they favoured the Romans, and rendered real services to their empire. In this persecution, a prodigious number of Christians perished in most exquisite tortures, and by various kinds of punishment. But they were, at length, delivered from these cruel oppressions by the peace that was made in 427, between Warharan and the emperor Theodosius the younger.‡

violence were, on that account. restrained, it 415, by an express edict of Theodosius.*

V. It does not appear, from extant records, that any writings against Christ and his follow ers were published in this century, unless we consider as such the histories of Olympiodorust and Zosimus, of whom the latter loses no op portunity of reviling the Christians, and loading them with the most unjust and bitter re proaches. But, though so few books were written against Christianity, we are not to sup of opposition. The schools of the philoso phers and rhetoricians were yet open in Grecce Syria, and Egypt; and there is no doubt that these artful teachers laboured assiduously to corrupt the minds of the youth, and to instil into them, at least some of the principles of the ancient superstition. The history of these times, and the writings of several Christians who lived in this century, exhibit evident proofs of these clandestine methods of opposing the progress of the Gospel.

It was not from the Pagans only that the Christians were exposed to suffering and persecution; they were also harassed and oppress-pose that its adversaries had laid aside the spiri ed in a variety of ways by the Jews, who lived in great opulence, and enjoyed a high degree of favour and credit in several parts of the east. Among these, none treated them with greater rigour and arrogance than Gamaliel, the patriarch of that nation, a man of the greatest power and influence, whose authority and *Theodoret, Hist. Eccles. lib. v. cap. xxix. p. 245. Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Abdas. Barbeyrac, de la Morale des Peres, p. 320.

Jos. Sim. Assemani Biblioth. Oriental. Vatican. tom. i. p. 182, 248.

Socrates, Hist. Eccles. lib. vii. cap. xx. Socrat. lib. vii. cap. xiii. xvi. Codex Theodos. tom. vi. p. 265.

*Codex Theodos. tom. vi. p. 262.
Photii Biblioth. cod. lxxx.
Zacharias Mitylen. de Opificio Dei.

PART II.

THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.

Concerning the State of Learning and Philosophy.

in some respects inferior to the celebrated authors of antiquity, are yet far from being des titute of elegance, and discover in their productions a most laborious application to literary researches of various kinds. But the barbarous nations, which either spread desolation, or formed settlements in the Roman territories, choked the growth of those genial seeds, which the hand of science had sown in more auspici

I. THOUGH, in this century, the illiterate and ignorant were advanced to eminent and important stations, both ecclesiastical and civil, yet we must not thence conclude, that the sciences were treated with universal contempt. The value of learning, and the excellence of the fine arts, were yet generally acknowledg-ous times. These savage invaders, who posed among the thinking part of mankind.- sessed no other ambition than that of conquest, Hence public schools were erected in almost and considered military courage as the only all the great cities, such as Constantinople, source of true virtue and solid glory, beheld, Rome, Marseilles, Edessa, Nisibis, Carthage, in consequence, the arts and sciences with the Lyons, and Treves; and public instructors of utmost contempt. Wherever therefore they capacity and genius were set apart for the edu-extended their conquests, ignorance and darkcation of the youth, and maintained at the ex-ness followed their steps; and the culture of pense of the emperors. Several bishops and science was confined to the priests and monks monks contributed also to the advancement of alone; and even among these, learning degeknowledge, by imparting to others their small nerated from its primitive lustre, and put on stock of learning and science. But the infe- the most unseemly and fantastic form. Amidst licity of the times, the incursions of the bar- the seduction of corrupt examples, the alarms barous nations, and the scarcity of great ge- of perpetual danger, and the horrors and deniuses, rendered the fruits of these excellent vastations of war, the sacerdotal and monastic establishments much less important than their orders gradually lost all taste for solid science, generous founders and promoters expected. in the place of which they substituted a lifeII. In the western provinces, and especially less spectre, an enormous phantom of barba in Gaul, there were indeed some men eminent-rous erudition. They indeed kept public ly distinguished by their learning and talents, schools, and instructed the youth in what they and every way proper to serve as models to the called the seven liberal arts;* but these, as we ower orders in the republic of letters. Of learn from Augustin's account of them, conthis we have abundant proof in the writings of sisted only of a certain number of dry, subtile, Macrobius, Salvian, Vincentius bishop of Liris, These arts were grammar, rhetoric, logie Ennodius, Sidonius Apollinaris, Claudian, Ma- arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy See cent mertus, Dracontius, and others, who, though | viii. part ii. ch. ii. in this volume.

and useless precepts, and were consequently tors of the renowned Proclus, who far surpassed more adapted to load and perplex the memory, the Platonic philosophers of this century, and than to improve and strengthen the judgment: acquired such a high degree of the public esso that, toward the conclusion of this century, teem, as enabled him to give new life to the the sciences were almost totally extinguished; doctrine of Plato, and restore it to its former at least, what remained of them was no more credit in Greece.* Marinus, of Neapolis, Amthan a shadowy form, without solidity or con- monius the son of Hermias, Isidorus and Da sistence. mascius, the disciples of Proclus, followed, with an ardent emulation, the traces of their master, and formed successors who resembled them in all respects. But the imperial laws, and the daily progress of the Christian reli gion, gradually diminished the lustre and authority of these philosophers; and, as there were many of the Christian doctors who adopted the Platonic system, and were sufficiently qualified to explain it to the youth, this naturally prevented the schools of these heathen sages from being so much frequented as they had formerly been.

III. The few who applied themselves to the study of philosophy in this age, had not yet embraced the doctrine or method of Aristotle. They looked upon the system of this eminent philosopher, as a labyrinth beset with thorns and thistles; and yet, had they been able to read and understand his works, it is probable that many of them would have become his followers. The doctrine of Plato had a more established reputation, which it had enjoyed for several ages, and was considered, not only as less subtile and difficult than that of the Stagirite, but also as more conformable to the genius and spirit of the Christian religion. Besides, the most valuable of Plato's works were translated into Latin by Victorinus, and were thus adapted to general use;† and Sidonius Apollinarist informs us, that all those, among the Latins, who had any inclination to the study of truth, fell into the Platonic notions, and followed that sage as their philosophical guide.

VI. The credit of the Platonic philosophy, and the preference that was given to it, as more excellent in itself, and less repugnant to the genius of the Gospel than other systems, did not prevent the doctrine of Aristotle from coming to light after a long struggle, and forcing its way into the Christian church. The Platonists themselves interpreted, in their schools, some of the writings of Aristotle, particularly his Dialectics, and recommended that IV. The fate of learning was less deplora- work to such of the youth as had a taste for loble among the Greeks and Orientals, than in gical discussions, and were fond of disputing. the western provinces; and not only the seve- In this, the Christian doctors imitated the manral branches of polite literature, but also the ner of the heathen schools; and this was the more solid and profound sciences, were culti- first step to that universal dominion, which the vated by them with tolerable success. Hence Stagirite afterwards obtained in the republic we find among them more writers of genius of letters. A second and yet larger stride toand learning than in other countries. Those, ward this universal empire was made by the who were inclined to the study of law, resort- || Aristotelian philosophy during the controvered generally to Berytus, famous for its learned sies which Origen had occasioned, and the academy,§ or to Alexandria,|| which was fre- Arian, Eutychian, Nestorian, and Pelagian disquented by the students of physic and chemis- sensions, which, in this century, were so fruit try. The professors of eloquence, poetry, phi-ful of calamities to the Christian church. Ori losophy, and the other liberal arts, taught the youth in public schools, which were erected in almost every city. Those however of Alexandria, Constantinople, and Edessa, were deemed superior to all others, both in point of eru-being reckoned among the number of his foldition and method.¶

V. The doctrine and sect of the modern Platonics, or Platonists, retained, among the Syrians and Alexandrians, a considerable part of their ancient splendour. Olympiodorus, Hero,** and other philosophers of the first rank, added a lustre to the Alexandrian school. That of Athens was rendered famous by the talents and erudition of Theophrastus, Plutarch, and his successor Syrianus. These were the instruc

*The passages of different writers, that prove what is here advanced, are collected by Launoy, in his book, de

raria Aristotelis Fortuna in Academia Parisiensi.

See Augustini Confess. lib. i. cap. ii. sect. i. p. 105, 106. tom. i. op.

See his Epistles, book iv. ep. iii. xi. book ix. ep. ix.
See Hasæi Lib. de Academia Jureconsultorum Bery-
tensi; as also Mitylenæus, de Opificio Dei, p. 164.
Mitylenæus de Opificio Dei, p. 179.
Eneas Gazæus in Theophrasto.

** Marinus, Vita Procli, cap. ix.

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gen, as is well known, was zealously attached to the Platonic system. When, therefore, he was publicly condemned, many, to avoid the imputation of his errors, and to preclude their

lowers, adopted openly the philosophy of Aristotle, which was entirely different from that of Origen. The Nestorian, Arian, and Eutychian controversies were managed, or rather drawn out, on both sides, by a perpetual recourse to subtile distinctions and captious s: phisms; and no philosophy was so proper to furnish such weapons, as that of Aristotle; for that of Plato was far from being adapted to form the mind to the polemic arts. Besides, the Pelagian doctrine bore a striking resemblance to the Platonic opinions concerning God and the human soul; and this was an additional reason which engaged many to desert the Platonists, and to assume, at least, the name of Peripatetics.

*The life of Proclus, written by Mar us, was publishcd at Hamburg, in 1700, by John Alte Fabricius, aud was enriched by this famous editor, war a great number of learned observations.

See Eneas Gazæus in Theophrasto

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