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至隱明黍而子不見以

則者日,而立。 植勤夫 杖子

行也子食正 其五子 荷路

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使路之子

好行見路 路路以其

丈 一
-子而

蓧從

人路後

孰日問

不見子子 鷄路為四日丈 仕之曰焉。為拱夫體子人

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CHAP. VII. I. Tsze-lû, following the Master, happened to fall behind, when he met an old man, carrying across his shoulder on a staff a basket for weeds. Tsze-lû said to him, 'Have you seen my master, Sir!’The old man replied, Your four limbs are unaccustomed to toil; you cannot distinguish the five kinds of grain: –who is your master?' With this, he planted his staff in the ground, and proceeded to weed.

2. Tsze-lú joined his hands across his breast, and stood before him. 3. The old man kept Tsze-lû to pass the night in his house, killed a fowl, prepared millet, and feasted him. He also introduced to him his two sons.

ture.

4. Next day, Tsze-lû went on his way, and reported his advenThe Master said, 'He is a recluse,' and sent Tsze-lû back to see him again, but when he got to the place, the old man was gone. 5. Tsze-lû then said to the family, 'Not to take office is not arms and legs, the four limbs of the body. 'The

7. TsZE-LÛ's RENCONTRE WITH AN OLD MAN, A RECLUSE: HIS VINDICATION OF HIS MASTER'S COURSE.

This incident in this chapter was probably

five grains' are 稻黍稷·麥, and 菽,

nearly contemporaneous with those which oc-‘rice, millet, pannicled millet, wheat, and pulse.’

cupy the two previous ones. Some say that

But they are sometimes otherwise enumerated.

the old man belonged to Sheh, which was a We have also 'the six kinds,' 'the eight kinds,' part of Ch'û.

I.

後, as in XI. xxii,顏淵 後丈人 is used for an old man’as early as in the Yi-ching, hexagram É; perhaps

by taking 丈 as = 杖, 'a staff, the phrase

'the nine kinds,' and perhaps other classifica

tions. 2. Tsze-lû, standing with his arms across his breast, indicated his respect, and won upon

the old man. 3.

(tsze), the 4th tone, 'enter

tained,' 'feasted.' The dictionary defines it

with this meaning, 以食與人,to give

comes to have that signification. is simply food to people.' 5. Tsze-lû is to be understood as

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芸田器:四體, the four bodies,'i.e. the duced his sons to him the evening before, and

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惠身子咦

也倫廢

伯曰逸逸
逸道君之君
夷不朱 之子欲

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連降志辱身矣言

降張伯

夷行仕
任其

叔已也

惠齊

少 虞之其亂

言下其連。仲
其連。仲矣。

也君臣之義如之何其

無義長幼之節不可

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義大其廢

righteous. If the relations between old and young may not be neglected, how is it that he sets aside the duties that should be observed between sovereign and minister? Wishing to maintain his personal purity, he allows that great relation to come to confusion. A superior man takes office, and performs the righteous duties belonging to it. As to the failure of right principles to make progress, he is aware of that.'

CHAP. VIII. 1. The men who have retired to privacy from the world have been Po-i, Shû-ch'i, Yi-chung, i-yi, Chû-chang, Hûi of Liû-hsiâ, and Shâo-lien.

2. The Master said, 'Refusing to surrender their wills, or to submit to any taint in their persons;–such, I think, were Po-i and Shû-ch'î.

3. 'It may be said of Hui of Liû-hsia, and of Shao-lien, that they surrendered their wills, and submitted to taint in their persons,

to all the orderly intercourse between old and young, which he had probably seen in the

family. 何其廢之一其 refers to the

old man, but there is an indefiniteness about the Chinese construction, which does not make it so personal as our 'he.' So Confucius is intended by, though that phrase may be taken in its general acceptation. 'He is aware of that; '-but will not therefore shrink from his righteous service.

8. CONFUCIUS'S JUDGMENT OF FORMER WORTHIES WHO HAD KEPT FROM THE WORLD. HIS OWN GUIDING PRINCIPLE. I.

·逸民 retired people:

quotes, upon

to the following

of seclusion,

dividuals spoken of. The
the phrase, from the
effect:- here is not the
but is characteristic of men of large souls,
who cannot be measured by ordinary rules.
They may display their character by retiring
from the world. They may display it also in
the manner of their discharge of office.' The
phrase is guarded in this way, I suppose, because
of its application to Hùi of Liù-hsiâ, who did
not obstinately withdraw from the world. Po-i
and Shû-ch'i, -see V. xxii. Yü-chung should

probably be Wu (哭)-chung. He was the

民 is used here just as we sometimes use brother of Tai-po, called Chung-yung (仲 people, without reference to the rank of the in- 雍). and is mentioned in the note on VIII.i.

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缺飯亞器 無權。言仲斯中 適繚飯大可我身夷而倫 秦 干 師無則中逸已行 鼓礤適摯不異清隱 中 方四楚適可於廢居慮 叔 三齊。是中放虞其

but their words corresponded with reason, and their actions were such as men are anxious to see. This is all that is to be remarked in them.

4. ‘It may be said of Yi-chung and i-yi, that, while they hid themselves in their seclusion, they gave a license to their words; but, in their persons, they succeeded in preserving their purity, and, in their retirement, they acted according to the exigency of the times. 5. I am different from all these. I have no course for which I am predetermined, and no course against which I am predetermined.' CHAP. IX. I. The grand music-master, Chih, went to Ch'i. 2. Kan, the master of the band at the second meal, went to Ch'û. Liâo, the band-master at the third meal, went to Ts'âi. Chüěh, the band-master at the fourth meal, went to Ch'in.

3. Fang-shû, the drum-master, withdrew to the north of the river.

He retired with T'ai-po among the barbarous | their words,'-this is intended to show that in tribes, then occupying the country of Wû, and this respect they were inferior to Hûi and Shao,-see note on IX.

succeeded to the chieftainey of them on his lien, who言中倫·權,

brother's death. Î-yi and Chû-chang,' says Chû Hsi, are not found in the ching and chwan xxix. 5. Confucius's openness to act according

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(經傳): See, however, the 集證, in loc. From a passage in the Li Chi, XVIII. ii. 14, it appears that Shao-lien belonged to one of the barbarous tribes on the east, but was well acquainted with, and observant of, the rules of Propriety, particularly those relating to mourning. 3. The 謂 at the beginning of this para

graph and the next are very perplexing. As there is neither nor at the beginning of par. 5, the 子曰of par. 2 must evidently be carried on to the end of the chapter. Com

mentators do not seem to have felt the difficulty,
and understand to be in the 3rd person.-
‘He, i. e. the Master, said,'&c. I have made

the best of it I could 倫義理之次
, the order and series of righteousness and
principles.' 慮=人心之思慮,the

thoughts and solicitudes of men's hearts. 4. 'Living in retirement, they gave a license to VOL. I.

to circumstances is to be understood as being always in subordination to right and propriety.

9. THE DISPERSION OF THE MUSICIANS OF LO.

The dispersion here narrated is supposed to have taken place in the time of duke Ai. When once Confucius had rectified the music of Lû (IX. xiv), the musicians would no longer be assisting in the prostitution of their art; and

so, as the disorganization and decay proceeded, the chief among them withdrew to other States, or from society altogether. I. 大=大, as opposed to 少, par. 5, ‘grand,' and 'assistant.* 'The music-master, Chih,'–see VIII. xv. 2. The princes of China, it would appear, had music at their meals, and a separate band performed at each meal, or, possibly, the band The

might be the same, but under the superinten

dence of a separate officer at each meal.

king had four meals a day, and the princes of States only three, but it was the prerogative of the duke of Lû to use the ceremonies of the

royal court. Nothing is said here of the band. master at the first meal, perhaps because he

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海。漢。

4. Wû, the master of the hand-drum, withdrew to the Han. 5. Yang, the assistant music-master, and Hsiang, master of the

musical stone, withdrew to an island in the sea.

CHAP. X. The duke of Châu addressed his son, the duke of Lû, saying, 'The virtuous prince does not neglect his relations. He does not cause the great ministers to repine at his not employing them. Without some great cause, he does not dismiss from their offices the members of old families. He does not seek in one man talents for every employment.'

CHAP. XI. To Châu belonged the eight officers, Po-tâ, Poby his duties to the young king, he sent

did not leave Lû, or nothing may have been known of him. 3. The river' is, of course,

“the Yellow river. According to the 四書 釋地, article LVII, the expressions 入於 河,入於漢 are to be taken as meaning

simply, lived on the banks of the Ho, the Han. The interpretation in the translation is after Chû Hsi, who follows the glossarist Hsing Ping. The ancient sovereigns had their capitals mostly north and east of 'the river,' hence, the

country north of it was called 河内, and to

the south of it was called 河外. I do not

see, however, the applicability of this to the

to

his son

伯禽, here called (the duke of Lû,'

that State as his representative. 君子

contains here the ideas both of rank and virtue.

is read in the 3rd tone, with the same Chû Hsî, indeed, seems to should be in the text, but we

meaning as
think that

have in Ho Yen, who gives K'ung Ân-kwo's

interpretation: 施易也,不以他人

之親易已之親,施 is to change. Ho

Han, which is a tributary of the Yang-tsze, does not substitute the relatives of other men

flowing through Hû-pei. 5. It was from Hsiang

that Confucius learned to play on the 琴.

in the room of his own relatives? 以,—here

=用, 'to use,' 'to employ: 求備,一

10. INSTRUCTIONS OF CHÂU-KUNG TO HIS SON XIII. xxv.

ABOUT GOVERNMENT; A GENEROUS CONSIDERATION
OF OTHERS TO BE CHERISHED.

周公,-see VII.

v. The facts of the case seem to be that the duke of Châu was himself appointed to the principality of Lû, but being detained at court

-see

11. THE FRUITFULNESS OF THE EARLY TIME OF THE CHÂU DYNASTY IN ABLE OFFICERS. The eight individuals mentioned here are said to have been brothers, four pairs of twins by the same mother. This is intimated in their names, the

kwô, Chung-tû, Chung-hwû, Shû-yâ, Shu-hsiâ, Chî-sui, and Chikwa.

two first being 1, [, or primi, the next pair 1,

or secundi, the third,

or tertii, and the last two. One mother, bearing twins four times

men, showed the vigour of the early days of the

dynasty in all that was good.-It is disputed

to what reign these brothers belonged, nor is

their surname ascertained.

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in succession, and all proving distinguished ZZ seem to be honorary designations.

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CHAPTER I. Tsze-chang said, 'The scholar, trained for public duty, seeing threatening danger, is prepared to sacrifice his life. When the opportunity of gain is presented to him, he thinks of righteousness. In sacrificing, his thoughts are reverential. mourning, his thoughts are about the grief which he should feel. Such a man commands our approbation indeed.'

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In

CHAP. II. Tsze-chang said, When a man holds fast virtue, but without seeking to enlarge it, and believes right principles, but without firm sincerity, what account can be made of his existence or non-existence ?'

HEADING OF THIS BOOK.子張第十 about the scholar-officer. 見危 the danger

'Tsze-chang, No. 19. Confucius does not appear personally in this Book at all. Chû Hsi says:-This Book records the words of the disciples, Tsze-hsia being the most frequent speaker, and Tsze-kung next to him. For in the Confucian school, after Yen Yüan there was no one of such discriminating understanding as Tsze-kung, and after Tsäng Shan no one of such firm sincerity as Tsze-hsia.' The disciples deliver their sentiments very much after the manner of their master, and yet we can discern a falling off from him.

1. TSZE-CHANG'S OPINION OF THE CHIEF ATTRI-
BUTES OF THE TRUE SCHOLAR.
-see note on
XII. XX. I.


Tsze-chang there asks Confucius

is to be understood as threatening his country,
person of the sovereign, for whom the officer
Hsing Ping, indeed, confines the danger to the
will gladly sacrifice his life. is the

same as 致其身 in I. vii. 包 is not to be
explained by E, as in 而已. The com-
bination
has occurred before, and=
in I. xiv. It greatly intensifies the

preceding J.

man

2. TSZE-CHANG ON NARROW-MINDEDNESS AND A HESITATING FAITH. Hsing Ping interprets this chapter in the following way :-'If a grasp hold of his virtue, and is not widened and

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