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and progress of the being over which it holds mastery. Politics is autonomic equity and self-preservation, the entire unity of agencies by which civic and social life are rendered possible and pleasurable, permanent and progressive. It comprehends all those acts and relations of men which are not directly and immediately personal in their reference, but are concerned with the whole of a community, or at least a very large proportion of it; in other words, it includes ererything that relates to the principles on which a sovereignty is constituted or constructed, and all the immediate acts, self-preservative, executive, legislative, or influential, whether with regard to its own subjects or those of other governments, or those of the subjects in respect to other governments or itself.
Civil government is of the essence of human society. A man is a political creature. Individual isolation and entire personal independence is impossible, and the phenomena of human society as distinctly result from the nature of man as language seems necessary to his being and well-being. Politics is the main agency in the progressive civilization of man; and the idea of it always seems to necessitate a union of constraint and security. Society must be controlled if it is to be upheld. That the public rights of the community may be impressed on others, and enforced on its own members, some privileges must be conferred on the governors, and some restraint must be placed on the ferocious craft, or mild and stubborn personality of the members of the community which they rule. Politics, therefore, at once implies freedom and constraint, and bring us face to face with the Miltonic paradox, that “ Honest liberty is the greatest foe to dishonest licence." Law and civilization are only attainable by insisting on equity and justice in the performance of duty and the observance of right, on the avoidance of ill-doing or selfishness, and on the regulation of the propensities, desires, and activities of man, so as to make justice "the only true sovereign and supreme majesty upon earth,"in so far as the people are capable of at once fulfilling her commands and enjoying her benefits. Wherever man can interfere with man, immediately or remotely, then there is a sphere for political action, and a probability of politics as the science of government, of justice, of enforcement, of right and civility. Hence the pure abstract or theoretic science of politics ultimately results in the question, What is equity as between man and man in their several places and relations. There is, however, a distinction to be drawn between the existence and the goodness of a state. That a state exists constitutes it a politeia, and it is the object of politics to make of that the best possible by such degrees, and in such ways as are most equitable. Politics is the science which governs governments.
Government exists for the benefit and welfare of the governed; else it is not an agent of social life. Now the welfare of a community depends on health, morality, intelligence, property, the polity pursued by its government, the laws by which it is regulated, and the relations it maintains with other civic bodies. It falls to the
science of politics, therefore, to investigate all these matters-to augment their good and to diminish their evil, in so'far as this cannot be better done by leaving their operations to be managed or interfered with at the suggestion of private interests; and where this cannot be advantageously done except by the interposition of the supreme authority, to determine the extent and mode of interference which shall most effectually, and yet least oppressively, effect the objects in view. There emerges from this idea of com. munistic welfare and the function of the state in endeavouring to accomplish it, a number of considerations which may all be regarded as coming under the review of politics as a science. Among these may be enumerated,-(1) The principles of government which are most likely to result in the fullest promotion of the welfare of com. munities; (2) the kind of supreme authority most suitable for the attainment of the ends of civil incorporations ; (3) the duties in cumbent on the ruling power of a community in its home and foreign relatious; (4) the rights and reciprocal duties of the subjects of the supreme power as members of the community ; (5) the means by which the rights and liberties of men may be best protected and secured, whether in the state or in the connection of state with state ; (6) the conditions upon which the increase and derelopment of the resources of the community depend; (7) the measures to be adopted for the preservation of the autonomy and self-existence of the government as independent of foreign control, or as liable to ag. gression or conquest ; (8) the arrangements required for the main. tenance in society of equitable conduct and such morality as the state may admit of, or justly impose on its members. From the considerations involved in these several matters there may arise discussions on, (1) The laws of nature as affecting man, or as resulting from his endowments and characteristics, that is, his wants, capacities, and feelings, in given conditions and circumstances as fixed limits to the choice of means and to the imposition of social or conventional laws. (2) The object of a state as a body corporate, and of the relations between a government and its subjects and allies. (3) The civic regulations by which the polity of a state may be best managed. (4) The means to be employed for the practical accomplishment of the affairs of states as they arise and demand attention in the course of events. (5) The political economy to be adopted by a state, that is, the means by which industry, effort, intelligence, and accumulations may liave the fullest scope and freest development for the augmentation of human welfare, and the increase and stability of individual bappiness. (6) The history of politics, or the means taken to secure the ends of government as it may be inferred from the allusions made to politics, customs, and laws, to be found in literature, in the facts of life, on monu. ments, &c. (7) The historical records of the states of Europe, the systems of government pursued in them, the results flowing from these various systems, and the changes which have been necessitated in them or bave occurred in them to adapt them to the changes
taking place in the thoughts, feelings, aspirations, and conditions of man. (8) Statistics as a series of effects and as the data whence certain general inferences regarding the averages of life, the effects of customs, taxation, laws, &c., may be deduced and made the grounds of demands for change, or defences against proposed alterations. (9) The constitutional laws of states, as the script or written legislation on the various relations of life in different circumstances in these several states or communities. (10) The practical laws of special states, their effects on the manners, customs, and habits of those who are subject to them, and the manner in which these are interpreted, applied, or ignored in judicial assemblies or in public life. (11) Diplomacy, or the international regulations of states for their political existence and the safety of their subjects as regards their rights, property, and life. (12) The forms, styles, and technical management of public business in different countries.
Of course all political affairs depend upon the right and proper registration of the facts which arise or occur in a state. We can neither reason nor act wisely or well unless we can secure trust. worthy records of facts, true history, and thorough statistics. These should supply an accurate description of the different possible existing governments, should enable us to comprehend all the possible varieties of states which are involved in the idea of actual political government. This should furnish us with the means of correct definitions of the sereral forms of bodies corporate. Descriptive politics should inform us what is, and what results from what is. Speculative politics ought to inform us what ought to be, and show us the results rationally to be expected to flow from what is proposed as right. The former should detail to us the customs and practices of positive politics ; the latter ought to provide us with a criticism of these. We have a right to demand from speculative politics, after it has been furnished with veritable information, regarding (a) what a state is ; (6) what are the functions of a state ; (c) whạt are the conditions indispensable to the existence and independence of a state ; (d) what are the agencies by which a state fulfils its functions; and (e) what are the possible relations that can exist between state and state, some critical estimate of the relative advantages and disadvantages, not only of the nature of different forms of political bodies but of their principles, and some guidance in the considerations involved in the alteration of old laws or the making of new ones. As jurisprudence has become a science overruling and guiding, because criticising and estimating, proposed or actual legislation, so should politics, in becoming philosophical, rise above the petty crafts of practice and executive management, and show us the conditions of the right, the true, the suitable, and the best. What are the relative duties and obligations of states to states, of states to subjects, and of subjects to states ? and what are the principles upon which the equity of all these possible interferences of man with man can be reconciled and unified, shown to
be right and proper, enforcible and duly renderable. These are some of the queries which philosophy, on proceeding to concern itself with politics, must prepare itself to answer, and it must go over the whole field of investigation with the intent of reconnoiter. ing it fully; keeping a sure outlook on all the facts, and deducing from the facts all the general principles which ought to govern the practice of those who trust to it. Only thus can it be speculative, surreying, theoretical; and thus alone can we achieve a philosophy of politics. Whether the facts are simple or undisputed, numerous, intricate, difficult to ascertain, doubtful, or contested, it must find and weigh them; generalize the truths they teach; and probe, and test, retry and persistently examine all the facts with the generali. zations to which they have given rise, and the generalizations with the facts from which they have been induced.
The idea we have of the philosophy of politics is different from that of any work to which allusion bas been made in the preceding part of our paper. It does not deal with legislation or statecraft, political agitation or executive measures. It passes beyond these into the region and dwelling-place of principles. It traces the course of thought through statistics, customs, laws, history, &c., into the recesses of will and the sphere of morality. It endeavours to acquire the idea of sanction as the common eventual source of duty and obligation; and to examine by the postulates and principles of righteousness what ought to be done that can be effectually done in subordinating the individual will to the general interest, and combining the idea of sanction with coercion so as to make individual life possible and pleasurable within the domain of duty to the state. The questions which arise in the course of our inquiry will, in many cases, coincide with those belonging to cognate sciences; but the point of view taken will give them a special interest and instructiveness. But our readers must judge for themselves—from our papers as they appear in order-how
they may be willing to peruse our intended chapters on the Philosophy of Politics.
TIME WORKS WONDERS.-Adam Smith, if we mistake not, had died before “The Wealth of Nations” had got past even a second edition. Several years had elapsed before a hundred copies of Mr. Hume's “ History” were sold ; and he himself has told us that nothing but the earnest entreaties of his friends induced him, in the face of such a cold and chilling reception, to continue his historical labou rs. The booksellers since Gibbon's death are said to have inade £200,000 off his “Decline ard Fall of the Roman Empire ;” and hardly a year passes that a new edition of his immortal work or of Hume's "History of England ” does not issue from the press. The sums realized by the bookselling trade from the different editions of “The Wealth of Nations” would have constituted a large fortune." — Blackwood's Magazine.
IS RITUALISM CONSISTENT WITH, OR UNNECESSARY TO THE ADVANCEMENT OF TRUE CHRISTIANITY?
CONSISTENT.-1. NOTHING is easier than to vilify opponents, and to misrepresent their opinions or malign their motives. Indeed it is too much the ordinary course of debates to write against opponents rather then against opinions, as if they thought that contempt was competent criticism, raillery was reasoning, and laughter logic. In no controversies whatever have there been such flagrant violations of Christian charity and such heartless disregard of upright dealing and honest disputation as in those carried on upon religious questions. We hope we may be spared from adding another instance to the many illustrations already in existence of the malice and un. charitableness of religious debate. If we would reflect more upon the sacredness of truth and yearn less after personal victory we should better fulfil the law of charity to which we are bound. Let truth be to us most sacred, as the representative and symbol of Him who is "the Way, the Truth, and the Life" to us ; let us “ deny ourselves" the pleasures of ill-natured imputations, and let us re. gard the questions before us as those which are of interest, not between the debaters only, but to the general assembly of the Church. If we do this, we shall, most probably, reach some por. tion of truth on the matters of controversy; if we fail in charity, one towards another, is it not most probably because there is no truth in us?
This controversy on Ritualism concerns itself with a subject, regarding which passion has been aroused to a lamentable extent and height. But had men duly considered that it was less a question about the duty of map than about the honour due to God, surely such unseemly events could not have occurred, as our newspapers report, in many towns where Ritualism bas been introduced.
All religion is symbolical. It indicates rather than expresses the worshipfulness in human hearts. The very words of our prayers are merely signs, the very tones of the holy songs we sing are only representative of the joy or sorrow which we feel in our acts of devotion ; the days on which we assemble ourselves together for worship are only seasons set apart by formal resolve to show forth the right of our God to supreme reverence and obedience. Baptism is a visible sign of our admission into the Church of Christ, and