probable results of the Bill, had it passed the Legislatureand to that statement may be added, that there was an

language in condemnation of the Bill, in its progress in the House, held by a Roman Catholic Prelate, accredited as the agent and organ of the body of the whole Catholic Prelacy of Ireland, and himself an apostolic vicar, in England,-has been adverted to in the preceding pages:-we know that his efforts to defeat the Bill have been sanctioned by the unanimous suffrage and grateful acknowledgments, not only of his immediate constituents, but likewise of the Catholic Board and aggregate and provincial meetings in Ireland. Such then is the predominant feeling of the Catholic body, as far as can be collected from the voice of those assemblies, with respect to the Bill,-and we find no contrasted voice to raise a doubt respecting the generality of that feeling. By an extended circulation of a report of such documents and evidence, as might have been recognised by the authority of parliament,-the uninformed or misguided Catholic might have been instructed that the essentials of his religion were not compromised in a question of legitimate jurisdiction ;and the apprehensions of the candid Protestant might likewise have been relieved, in the contemplation of securities, sanctioned by the soundest precedents of civil polity, enabling him, in the spirit of one of the most enlightened Protestant divines (Archbishop Bramhall) to distinguish between the tenets and, essential discipline of the Church of Rome and the usurpations of the Roman Curia."

Resolutions of the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland, in Diocesan Meetings, in the year 1814, presided by many of their dignitaries-with the signatures of near four hundred Priests—were published, in Dublin, [by R. Coyne] to which was prefixed an Address" to the Roman Catholic Priests of Ireland"-(by a Priest of the Diocese of Kilkenny)." The Roman Pontiff," says the address," has been hurled from his throne into "banishment, by a Catholic Prince, and reinstated in splendour, "by an Acatholic Government. This is not amongst the less

H

unanimity on the part of the English Apostolical Vicars, in opposition to the additional Clauses, though not approv

"

"

wonderful phenomena of the present awful times:-the English "Protestant, who orthodoxly swears against the whore of "Babylon, lifting his shield to protect, and re-conducting this "same strumpet, to the scene of her idolatry and abominations. "You must have observed, with scorn and indignation, that the "first act of the restored Papal Government, was to attempt to disfranchise and enslave a people immemorially persecuted for "their attachment to the Holy See-that the Pope should, in "imitation of one of his notorious predecessors, sacrifice faithful Ireland, to faithless apostate England."—Again, "we are com"manded to renounce our right of opinion, choice and election, "in the appointment of our spiritual superiors, who will be cast " and moulded, ready made, without any trouble of ours, in two Bishop-running founderies, to be established, shortly-the one “in Dublin, and the other in Armagh-by the Divine Providence "of Mr. Canning's Bill."

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On the 26th May, 1813, twenty-three Roman Catholic Prelates, and three Vicar Capitulars, assembled in Dublin-denouncing the same Bill, declaring that "it contained certain "ecclesiastical clauses, or securities, utterly incompatible with the

discipline of the Roman Catholic Church, and with the free "exercise of our religion,"-" that we cannot, without incurring "the heavy guilt of Schism, accede to such regulations, nor can we dissemble our dismay and consternation at the consequences "which such regulations, if enforced, must necessarily produce."

On the 27th May, 1814, at another General Meeting of the Roman Catholic Prelates of Ireland, it was resolved to send a Deputation to Rome to remonstrate against the Rescript-and to transmit their resolutions to the Earl of Donoughmore and Mr. Grattan," with their earnest entreaty that they will exert "their powerful talents, in excluding from the Bill intended for "our relief, those clauses, which we have already deprecated as "severely penal to us, and highly injurious to our religion."

ing the measure or language adopted by one of their body in expressing it. Two of those venerable Prelates have since declared their dissent in their "Pastorals," &c. in language becoming their stations: the Apostolic Vicar of the Midland District had, pending the Bill in Parliament, addressed a printed circular Memorial to the Members, denouncing it," as pregnant with all the evils of religious persecution, and, if carried into effect, would cause more jealousy, animosity, and confusion among Catholics, than 66 any religious innovation has done since the Revolution." That much deference should, on this occasion, have been paid to Mr. Butler's opinion, cannot excite surprise-but, Sir J. H. had no reason to distrust the accuracy of his own information-nor was it material, as it respected the proceeding itself, in his view of the subject, whether that information was correct or not.-Whatever change might have taken place among the Catholics themselves, respect

If the Roman Catholic Prelates of Ireland, (and not with a total exclusion of those in England) have been charged with "versatility"—we have only to revert to their Resolutions in 1799 and 1810-contrasted to their present adoption of the practice of Elections by Chapters.-In concurrence with the principle of the former resolutions-on the 26th Feb. 1810-it was resolved, by twenty-one Diocesan Prelates, three Coadjutors, and one Vicar Capitular-" that the idea of making the Elections "of Bishops, entirely national, by confining the said Election to "Chapters alone, or, to Chapters and Metropolitans, is superseded "by the matters and considerations of the three last resolutions: "—is moreover not within our competence, and though it had been "free of the guilt of Schism, would, in the present circumstances "of the Irish Catholics, subject our religion to the most serious "and unseemly disadvantages, and, in our judgment, WOULD MOST

PROBABLY LAPSE INTO THE SOLE AND POSITIVE APPOINTMENT OF THE CROWN."

ing the proceeding by a Select Committee, Sir J. H. was, nevertheless, persuaded, that unless the whole case was laid before the public, and viewed, leisurely and distinctly, combined with all those legitimate provisions and securities, against the encroachment of a foreign jurisdiction, which had been invariably sanctioned by the wisdom and policy of every considerable State in Europe—it would be in vain to look to that issue which was the object of Mr. Canning's memorable resolution of the preceding year, and which had been supported by so large a majority of the House. Mr. Canning, on the other hand, was persuaded by the assurances he had received, that the public mind was differently disposed; and, with respect to the feelings of Parliament, be made no scruple to avow, that after the fa vourable majorities that had appeared on the early questions, it was advisable "to take the tide at its flood,"and certainly, from these circumstances, the course, in his view of the question, was clearly indicated. Whatever impediment was likely to result from the intervention of the proposed Committee, Mr. Canning's judgment was too accurate to suppose that it could be successfully resisted by serious argument

· ridiculum acri

Fortius ac melius magnas plerumque secat res

The weapon was dexterously chosen, and, in Mr. Canning's hands, irresistible. The formidable array of ponderous polemics, was successfully marshalled in the fertile and ingenious imagination of Mr. Canning-the circuit of the world was anticipated for the march of the Committee-and Mr. Butler (for he was present) had the gratification of renewing his acquaintance with the venerable Doctors and Casuits of his Church, under the metamorphosed fane of St. Stephen." Mr. Canning has rendered the Catholics a $ thousand essential services; (says Mr. Butler) and the

46

powers which he displayed in exterminating Sir J. H.'s "unkind attempt to obtain a Committee, have been seldom equalled."-The speeches of Mr. Canning and of Sir J. H. are upon record [Hansard's Parl. Deb. vol. xxvi.] Sir J. H. felt "no compunction" in his defeat-and entertains too much respect for Mr. Canning's judgment to imagine that he can, at this hour, feel any triumph in the recollection of his victory. In the temporary defeat of the motion, it is evident that Mr. Canning sought not its "extermination:"-He knew that a single breath could revive it, and Mr. Butler witnessed its successful revival, at the interval of three years :-Will he refuse the meed of his gratuitous praise of that support which Mr. Canning then gave to the measure, which he had before defeated?-If inquiry was so unavailing, and information so useless, at the period of the debate in the year 1813, -how are they now become so requisite ?—Mr. Butler was himself, examined in the Committee, and produced and ve rified some of its most valuable Documents which were put on record. The Report of the Committee, with its Appendix, has since been printed, by order of both Houses of Parliament, nor is it too much to say that the extended compilation has been considered of the highest authority and practical utility, by the Diplomatic Ministers of the most considerable States of the Continent. In one respect indeed, the object of the Committee was more circumscribed, than was originally proposed, which included “the state of the "laws affecting His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects "within the Realm-and the state and number of their Cler66 gy-and of their religious Establishments-and the nature "of their intercourse with the See of Rome, or other foreign "jurisdiction,"-such as the presiding Generals of Monastic Orders, &c. &c. Although the whole of this information could have been readily adduced, it was thought advisable, by the high official authority, at whose instance the motion was then renewed, to confine the investigation of the Com