the source of many regrets, I have, nevertheless, the satisfaction to remember, that the explanations of my Parliamentary conduct, as connected with this subject, have been invariably received with candour, and the result has ever been highly flattering to my feelings, though unaccompanied with an unanimity of suffrage.

But, I have reached a protracted period of life beyond that, indeed, usually allotted to the days of man, and now, a change of opinion or conduct, on so momentous a question, is little likely to take place, especially when that opinion has been formed on the closest examination, and sealed with the deepest conviction of my judgment. It is an opinion, Gentlemen, which the lapse of time, with the sanction of much and patient study, has interwoven in the very thread and body of iny political life. As then, my own sentiments on this head are unalterable, and I cannot hope for the prevalent coincidence of yours, I conceive that I shall best consult both the harmony of my Constituents, and the peace of my own mind, by resigning a trust, which I should be unable to acquit with universal satisfaction. For, whatever confidence I might feel in the integrity of my intentions, or whatever conviction that my humble efforts have been designed at least, to promote the best interests of my Country,-believe me, Gentlemen, any further collision of opinion would be, to me, matter of such painful regret, that I want resolution to meet it at a time of life, little calculated to cope with political

irritation.

On a former occasion, when hereditary and habitual prejudices were, not undesignedly, aggravated by misrepresentations of my parliamentary conduct, and when it was difficult, as indeed it is at the present hour, to say whe ther Protestants or Catholics were the most active in the work of defamation, I thought it incumbent on me to en

deavour to undeceive my Constituents, by placing before them some authentic references to my sentiments on this question of high national interest. Though the personal motives which chiefly influenced me, at that period, no longer exist, I am persuaded that I cannot close my parliamentary connection with my Constituents more consistently, than by resorting to the same declarations, which I shall beg leave to subjoin to this Address. The question which called them forth must be of perpetual occurrence, so long as the law remains in its present anomalous state, as affecting the interests and feelings of millions of the People.

Although the parliamentary relations, which have so long subsisted between us are now, nearly, drawing to a close, as the depositary of another important trust, in the character of RECORDER of the Corporate Body, my best services, will, nevertheless, be devoted to the maintenance of your municipal, chartered Rights-nor, upon any occasion, shall I be slow to manifest the deep interest I must ever feel, in every question, affecting the prosperity (I may be permitted, as a Freeman, to say) of our ancient Borough.

With the sincerest sentiments of respect and inviolable attachment,

I have the honour to be,

Gentlemen,

Your most faithful friend and obliged

humble Servant,

J. C. HIPPISLEY.

EXTRACTS, &c.

On the 14th of May, 1805, on Mr. Fox's Motion for a Committee, Sir J. Hippisley stated, in Parliament, that His Majesty had ratified the Catholic Constitution of Corsica, as he had before ratified that of Canada, and had also given Commissions, under his Royal Signature, to Roman Catholic Priests, to act as Chaplains of Catholic Regiments, raised in Great Britain and Ireland. In a few days afterwards, Sir J. H. published a Tract of "Additional Observations," in the form of a continuation of his Speech, in which he made use of the following expressions"God forbid that any Member of Parliament, in assenting to "the prayer of the Petition, under such modifications as may be "deemed advisable, should be accused of a wish to propose to "His Majesty a departure from the solemn obligation by which "he has bound himself to maintain the Protestant reformed "Religion, established by Law, and to govern the People according to the Statutes in Parliament agreed on, and the Laws and 'Constitution of the Realm*.'”

"Were we to go into a Committee, I should think the "occasion favourable for adducing many heads of regulation, " which I conceive to be intimately connected with the con"cession of the objects of the Petition-so necessary, in my own "opinion, that I should not think myself justified in voting in "favour of that concession, if unaccompanied with provisions of a similar tendency; and under the influence of the same opinion, they were submitted, by myself, to His Majesty's Ministers, while the great measure of the Union was "pending."

On the 25th of May, 1808, on Mr. Grattan's Motion for a Committee, Sir J. H. again stated the regulations and restrictions, which, in his opinion, were indispensable, and "which might "tend (he added) to quiet the apprehensions of the most scru

* Coronation Oath.

pulous, whenever the See of Rome should be considered as "acting under a hostile influence, and become an object of justifiable suspicion :" concluding, that "he voted for going into a "Committee, in which, the important subject might be more " adequately considered."

On the 18th of May, 1810, on a similar Motion of Mr. Grattan, Sir J. H. proceeded to state the grounds of his insuperable objection to any further concessions, unless they were accompanied with all those regulations and restrictions which he had before urged, concluding a speech of much detail, with these words: "To the Catholic and Protestant Bigot, I feel equally "indisposed-I would recommend to many Catholics to desist "from their flippant and ill-directed attacks, and not outstrip "their adversaries in the race of calumny; they have to com"bat the honest prejudices of a great people, the early impressions "of youth, and the force of inconsiderate zeal, as well as the "timidity and defect in information, of a great portion of their "fellow-subjects. It was a melancholy truth, that the best "informed on other subjects, philosophers and statesmen, were "often most ignorant of this, which vitally affected the interests, "the feelings, and the honour, of millions of the people, and "the security of the Empire itself. Our Constitution' (says the "great Mr. Burke) is not made for great-general-proscriptive 66 6 exclusions; sooner or later it will destroy them, or they will destroy the Constitution.' In the choice of measures (Sir J. H. observed), he only wished to see those adopted that could "6 ensure the great ends of conciliation, by the least exceptionable means to secure the rights of conscience for every description "of our fellow-subjects, and GUARD, RELIGIOUSLY, THE BULWARKS OF OUR CONSTITUTION, FOR THE PROSPERITY OF ALL*."-He therefore voted for going into a Committee for taking into consideration the objects of the Petition.

* A Second Edition of this Speech, of 1810, was printed at the request, and at the Expense of the Board of English Catholics, Lord Stourton in the Chair.

66

On the 10th of June 1811, on a third similar motion of Mr. Grattan, Sir J. H. repeated the same arguments, and urged the same restrictions,-He urged also the practice of moderation by the Catholics-and pointed out the inconsistency of some of their Prelates. He suggested, also, that a "Select Committee "should be formed for the consideration of the subject; con. sisting of the King's law officers, civilians, and common lawyers of eminence, as well as other Members, most competent to the examination of such a subject; and that in the "House of Lords, the Prelates of the Establishment ought to "take a material part in such an investigation. The production "of documents, and the examinations, in such a Committee, might be followed by resolutions of fact, directing the atten"tion of the Public to the material points, and constituting the "most satisfactory authority on which a Bill might hereafter be "framed commensurate to the real exigency and justice of the "case.-The adoption, qualification, or even the rejection of "the Claims of the Petitioners would thus derive a sanction "not to be found in the loose discussions of successive Parliamentary Debates. It should seem (said Sir J. H.) that this expedient was too rational to be questioned by any but those "who are determined to resist inquiry in any shape whatever. "No Member of the House was more zealously devoted to the "Constitution, both in Church and State, than himself. He

"

wished, nevertheless, to give a free currency to the investiga"tion-and to see a great fabric of national strength, raised on "the extinction of antiquated prejudice. - Union, he was persuaded, was within our reach:-though uniformity were "unattainable."

On the 24th of April, 1812, on a fourth similar Motion of Mr. Grattan, Sir J. H. pressed again the adoption and report of a Committee," for the satisfaction (as he observed) of the public at large, on a question which involved a striking and "material departure from a system which had been the received "policy of ages. The mere act of legislation, however great "the parliamentary majorities with which it might be carried,