friend of your country, and have acquired the character of being so, without having, had resort to your powers of oratory to give credit to loud sounding and delusive professions. You have left your character to rest upon your actions; and circumstances have given you this great advantage over Mr. Pitt, that all his professions, all his dissimulation, and all his misconduct form an aggregate, placing you in a situation, that renders you competent to be that reformer of abuse and prodigality, which he professed, and, perhaps, at one time, wished to be. And you hold this situation, not as a young minister trying to gain popularity, and forcing untried and speculative measures upon the country; but as the acknowledged friend of your country, and called upon by the people to carry into effect that reformation which was promised to them by Mr. Pitt.—I have the honour to &c.- VERAK.August 1, 1805. for the last sixteen years, have been paid- by the Lords of the Treasury! But there is this further reason why an inquiry into the Treasury department is peculiarly indispensible, and this is, the perplexed and delusive nature of the accounts annually presented by it to parliament. I have been able, in former letters to establish this fact, at least to the satisfaction of one, particularly well acquainted with these accounts, and eminently qualified to judge of my reasoning upci them, I mean the author of this Register. With then, Sir, at least a rational proof before you, "that the accounts, as now submitted to parliament, are useless for any purpose of checking the minister in his disposal of the public money," and the notorious fact, that the conduct of the Treasury is directed by the minister; how is it possible, that the claims of the petitioners can be satisfied, except by the appointment of a par-be, liamentary commission to inquire into the management of the Treasury department, and the system there adopted of stating the public accounts? You may, Sir, have felt reason to complain of the backwardness of the people, on some occasions during your political life, in declining to support your parliamentary measures, when calculated to secure them from the dangers preparing for them by the intemperance of your political rival, and all the distresses present and to come, of an unnecessary and most expensive war. But, in the instance now before you, you have the voice of the whole nation, very few interested individuals excepted, not merely following your measures with approbation, but pointing out to you the way to secure the country from the corruption of ministers. You therefore, Sir, are even more than bound to be the advocate of those, who have so much extended the character of Englishmen, by their manly expression of indignation at the malversation of Lord Melville; and you cannot well permit the petitions of the people, upon this occasion, to rot as waste paper upon the table of the House of Commons, and the opportunity to pass by and be lost, of effecting a great and real reformation of abuse, and that upon the substantial authority of the declared and anxious expectations of the people.--Mr. Pitt commenced his political career, and acquired the confidence of the nation, by the earnestness he expressed to attain a frugal management of the public revenues, and to correct abuses. But the nation have yet to learn the method by which Mr. Pitt intended to carry his professions into practice. You, Sir, have been the true and steady Vide Register, Vol. VIII. p. 6s. a SHERIFF'S JURISDICTION AND POWER. SIR,-Amongst the many discussions that at various times have taken place in your paper, the Political Register, I can find none on the subject of a Sheriff's jurisdic tion and power.This may appear, Su, to you, a matter too trivial for consideration at a moment like the present, when things of much greater importance find places inyour paper; but, at any leasure time when you can give this attention, and fafoor me with your opinion, I shall feel greatly oblig ed by your information.- -The election of a Sheriff is made by "the Chancellor, Trea surer, Barons of the Exchequer, and the "Justice of the two Courts of Common "Law." This power of election was vested in them by the 9th Edw. II. st. 2. Upon his being elected by them and approved of by the King, he receives his Majesty's letters patent, empowering him to act in his county as the King's minister of law and justice; and, amongst other functions imposed upon him by those letters patent, he is "tend the courts, execute their process, and "make due returns thereof."—Hence it is, that he is termed in the language of the law," a patent officer of the Crown.", Viewing him in this light, I have always considered him as bound to pay the most im plicit obedience to the commands of the court; and, more particularly, as they are strengthened by always being issued in the King's name.- -But circumstances having occurred, that have rendered the rectitude of this opinion rather doubtful, I have ta hen the liberty to address you on the sub. ject.In a case where a man recovers in a court of law ten acres of land, and afterwards issues what in the law is stiled a Writ to at of Possession, grounded upon that verdict, when he attends the Sheriff on the day fixed for the execution of that writ, to receive the lands at his hands, the Sheriff refuses to give him possession, alleging, as a reason for so doing, that a counter-claim has been made of one-half; and, upon inquiry by what new opponent his claim is now to be disputed, he finds it to be that very identical being against whom he has just recovered what he now justly claims as his right. Nether the judgment of the court, in this case, of the King's mandate itself, are documents worthy the Sheriff's attention; and to shew his power, and as it were, sovereign contempt of them, he gives possession of only one-half then, in order to fulfil his duty like a faithful Minister," he returns to the court, that he has executed the writ as he was commanded!!!—An action, then, is brought for a false return against the Sheriff for damages. But, alas! here again, the unhappy plaintiff is foiled, for this is not held to be a false return, prima fcere, until it has been ascertained whether the party claiming is entitled to the land in question or not; so that the very same process may be gone through, toties quoties, without ever attaining any end.I should be glad therefore, Sir, if you can explain to me the law on this subject. By law, I mean only, how we are to lock on these two powers the Sheriff, and the united courts of law. And I should recommend in future, to persons who wish to recover any landed property, to prosecute their suits in the Sheriff's court, where its decision would not be subjeet to the opinion and controul of a superior jurisdiction; and to those, who have debts eving them under forty shillings, the most adviseable mode of recovering such debts, would be, to commence their actions in the courts of King's Bench and Common PleasOr, if the law on this subject cannot now be altered, I should be greatly obliged by your advice how a man can possibly proceed in the courts at Westminster, so as to attain any end; and how the poor man, in such a case, can attempt to retrieve a family inheritance, without, in the end, being obliged to leave the bone of contention to his subtle adversary, and all his trouble and anxiety being crowned with the en-. Viable prospect of being immured in a gaol for life to satisfy the costs of suit.I am, your obedient humble Servant, J. W. G. Sir, PUBLIC PAPER. the 24th of July; and dated Berlin, July 15, 1805. M. Novoziltzoff left this capital yesterday for Saint Petersburgh. He had a long conferrence with Mr. Jackson, the British Envoy at Berlin.-H's mission was announced throughout all Europe several months before it was undertaken, which circumstance alone had a tendency: to defeat its object. It very naturally furnished a topic for much discussion, conjecture, and intrigue. After having represented M. Novozilizoif rather as the bearer of orders then a negotiator, pans were taken to set forth his mission under aspect, in order to render it no less odors. He was to treat, said report, only with the Emperor himself. Those who circulated these absurd reports, knew very well that every sort of pretension that shoud deviate from that line of attention and respect which is due to a great power, would of itself have frustrated a mission, the object of which besides was far from appearing very clear. And that there was somewhat in it indefinite and obscure, is manifestly obvious from it having been successively the object of orders and counter-orders. But upon due consideration of every circumstance, the counter-order which recalls M. Novoz:ltzoff to Petersburgh, is probably more conducive to peace than the order which sent him to Paris.If it was the object of his mission to remove the coolness which had taken place between France and Russia, most likely it would have succeeded; and, indeed, what is there in common between France and Russia? Independent of each other, they are respectively unable to do one another any injury, while they are all powerful mutually to benefit each other. If the Emperor of the French exerts a powerful degree of influence in Italy, the Emperor of Russia wields a stiil greater influence over the Ottoman Porte and over Persia. One has a circumscribed influence which does not extend beyond discussious respecting his limits, and which makes no considerable addition to his strength. The other, on the contrary, exerts his full influence over two powers of the first order, who for a length of time held the same poli tical rank as France and Russia, and who extend their domination over the Arabias, the Caspian and the Black Sea. If the cabinet of Russia pretends to have a right to fix the precise limits that are to bound France on all sides, it is no doubt also disposed to allow, the Emperor of the French to prescribe the Emits within which Russia is to remain. When with Herschell's telescope they ob serve from the terrace of the palace Tauris what passes between the Emperor of the RUSSTA AND FRANCE.- -The following Oksfrations on the Dispute between France and Russia, are taken from the French Ophibial Paper, the Moniteur, of French and some petty states bordering on the Appenines, they doubtless do not require that the Emperor of the French should not see what becomes of Persia, or what be comes of the ancient and illustrious empire of Solyman; that the Emperor of the French should not observe that within these two years the whole of the Caucasees, at the mere request of a few families of the country, has been annexed to Russia; that the whole of Wallachia and Moldavia are made dependant on Russia; that Russia has seized upon the Mouths of the Phasis; that she has established and erected fortresses on that river, and that by thus obliging the Porte to suffer her usurpations, she derives great advantages for prosecuting her conquests into the heart of Persia.Is then the Emperor of the French reduced to such a degree of weakness that he must coolly listen to a Russian commissary, who calls him to account for what he does in countries unknown to Russia, and with whom he has no connexion, no intercourse; that he must shut his eyes that he may not see, and restrain himself that he may not answer; when the Sultan Selim reigns less at Constantinople than the mere envoy of Russia; when the Bosphorus has been violated; when the effects of the occupation of the Crimea and of the Mouths of the Phasis, are already feit in their full extent; when the cries of the Seraglio, though restrained by fear, give the signal to Europe: and where there is not a Pacha in the Morea, or a Mussulman in Constantinople, that does not daily expect to see a squadron from the Black Sea cast anchor under the walls of the Seraglio, a herald proclaim a declaration of war, and a discharge of musquetry resound through the gardens of the Grand Seignior.But if a Russian commissary, while he came to Paris to require a diminution of influence in Italy, said at the same time that a guarantee would be given for Persia and the Porte; that the Bosphorus shall not be violated, that agreeably to the usages of all times, it shall be shut against the ships of all nations; that the treaty of 1798 shall not be renewed; that the subjects of the Porte shall no longer sail under Russian colours; that the regiments raised at a great expense in Albannia for the Russian service, shall be disbanded; that the number of ships in the Black Sea shall never be so considerable as to expose the Porte to the danger of being overpowered in her capital before the powers of Europe could be apprised of her situation; that the Phasis shall be evacuated, that the Caucasus shall be restored to the Scah of Persia, and that that extensive Empire will at length be allowed to enjoy repose, after so many years of intestine wars and calamities. It is easy to understand what would be the cifcct of such language, and although most assuredly we are not in the secrets of the cabinet of the Thuilleries, we do not hesitate to say, the Emperor of the French would be ready prepared for that noble transaction; he would yield, not to threats, but to the desire of establishing the independence of nations, and the happiness of the human race. What ever sacrifices it might make for the inte pendence of the Porte and of Persia, he should still be a gainer by them. Posterity, for whom he labours, would acknowledge him for their benefactor, and would remark that sagacity that enabled him to foresee the Russians oppressing one day the whole world, as they now oppress the North, and arriving at that universal monarchy with which Europe has been so much alarmed, and which has so long been represented to be the ambition of the French people, who have every thing at home, who can see no thing preferable to what they enjoy at home, and who can never be dangerous to the indes pendence of other countries.If the RusSian plen potentiary came as bearer of pro positions from England, who but sees the dificulties, the inextricable embarrassments which the new instructions, the new prefcusions of Russia must introduce into the nego tiation? Whatever may be the nature of the objects respecting which brance and Eng land are divided, can these two nations beko reduced as to await the decision of their differences from a distant country, to whom the interests of Leth are so little known?--When the British cabinct smiled upon the mission of M. Novuziltzoff, her joy arose from the hope not only of engaging Russia in their quarrel, but also or drawing over, through her means, Austria or Prussia. For the British cabinet is well aware that the concurrence of Russia alone would not embolden them to dwell upon those frantic projects of partition which they do not cease to dream of in their delirium. When the British government wish for peace, they will fcel that a French note must be answered by an English note. These two languages are more easily translated than any other, and the introduction of a third idiom would only perplex the negotiation.Can M. Novoziltzoff be supposed so entertain precise and accurate notions of such complicated affairs? Did he know that at the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens, that the Mysore empire was not yet entirely annexed to the British power; that since that period, the Mahratta empire has been destroyed; that England has doubled her dominion in India; that un European vessel can henceforward appear in those seas? Did he imagine that France would renounce for ever all commerce with India? Did he moreover see that it was not commerce with India only that was to be attended to; that what Catharine never would consent to was obtained for England by the battle of Copenhagen; that what France will never allow, was obtained by Nelson from Russsia, in the Guiph of Finland; that since that treaty, so injurious to the rights of which the least proud nations are jealous, continual extensions have been given to the right of blockade; that whole rivers have been blockaded; that one hundred leagues of coast (Portugal had been blockaded; that Cadiz was blockaded even when our squadron was superior in the Gut; that Genoa is blockaded, though for six months she has not seen an English ship, although for six months she has not seen a neutral vessel, the result of the strange condescension of the respective powers? At Venice, at Trieste, at Lisbon, in the ports of the North, from the moment when the blockade of Genoa was announced, every order for that place was revoked.Did this plenipotentiary come to tell us that Russia has obtained the liberty of India, and the freedom of commerce with India, the acknowledgment of the common sovereignty over the seas, the renunciation of all extension of the right of blockade, restricted hereafter to countries attacked and in danger of being taken, and, according to the definition of the word blockade, surrounded on all sides? Did he come at the same time to require that the crown of Italy should be placed upon another head, and that possession should be renounced of some scraps of territory beyond the Alps?-Had this been the case, the Russian plenipotentiary would be welcome; he would have met with no obstacle, and success would have crowned his undertaking. But if, approving what is done by England, acknowledging her right to examine every ship, to place in a state of blockade whole empires, applauding the immense increase of her power in India, he came at the same time to propose to France to evacuate Parma and Genoa, to renounce the crown of Italy, it was France that was sought to be oppressed, it was France that was proposed to be brought tack to the time when the partition of Poland was effected without its consent, when a degenerate race had been terrified for the purpose of divesting them of a sense of their dignity, and of the disposition to defend themselves from oppression.-France has means, has Courage, has armies; and whatever coalition the English ministers may be able to renew, France, still deploring the influence of bri tish gold upon the Continent, will untie this new gordian knot, as she has the two that have preceded it. Whenever any interposition shall be made to reduce England with in just and proper bounds, France will make! any sacrifice; but when it is intended to' press upon her alone, she can discover inf such designs nothing but hatred, jealousy and insult; and surely, it would betray an ignorance of the calculation of strength, and of the position of things, to expect ever to succeed.-Poland was partitioned; it be came necessary that France should have Bel-Lgium, and the Banks of the Rhine. The Crimea, Mount Caucassus, and the Mouth of the Phasis, &c. have been seized on; and it became necessary that France should have an equivalent in Europe; her self preserva-" tion required it.Is it a general congress of Europe that is desired?-Very well! Let each power place at the disposal of this con-" gress, all that it has acquired for the last fifty years; let Poland be re-established, let Venice be restored to the Senate, Trinidad to Spain, Ceylon to Holland, the Crimea to the Porte; let the Phasis and the Bosphorus be renounced, let Caucasus and the Georgia be restored, let Persia be allowed to breathe after so many calamities; let the empire of the Mahrattas and Myscre be re-established, or let them not continue the exclusive property of the English; France may then confine itself within its ancient limits, and it would not be France that would lose the most. Whence then arise these outrageous. cries, those provocations to a crusade against a power, that for fifty years has profited less than any other by the vicissitudes of states, and the changes of the world; which, ever victorious, has never retained any part of its conquests that was not necessary for a just compensation-Europe had felt dreadful shocks, social order was reviving, the peace of Amiens had settled anew the universal system. A weak minister, and an unparalleled arrogance, have rekindled the war, and thrown the tranquillity of all nations again into a state of uncertainty. That prince, upon the Continent, who shall first associate himself in this project of general overthrow, who shall first give the signal for war, will be responsible for all the disasters that will result from it, and merit the maledictione of the present generation. All men of sense think that the consequence of a new continental conflagration will be to augment the power of France. They think also that sho never will have the folly to evacuate numerous provinces, from the pre sentiment of generosity, or in the vain hope of advancing the interests of humanity, and the repose of the world. It is the fashion to accuse th 1 1 tween the two states. But if England insists on new conditions, if she wished to in France in Italy, let her admit France to a share of the states of the Mysore, of the Mahrattas; let her, in fine, adopt maxims, consistent with the independence of other powers. But, say the English," perish.rather than recognise the principle that the flag covers the merchandize, that each vessel is accountable for its cargo, and what. reign; that the East Indies are not our exclusive property, or that any power, has a right to interfere with our donainion in India." Do not expect that France shall, enter into discussion with you on questions that do not concern you, or do you consent to enter with her into a discussion of questions con nected with the sacred interests of all nations. She is sensible of the value of peace; but she is bound to make war, if it be necessary to maintain the glory of her flag, and the preponderance which she has acquired, and to insure for herself, that in whatever part of the world a Frenchman may be, he should have no reason to blush either for the insults or the pretensions of England. ambition of France.-Yet, if she had been land, the treaty of Amiens exists; it has inclined to retain her conquests, one half of been made with coolness, and after a long Austria, the States of Venice, the kingdom. investigation of the respective interests, it of Naples, Switzerland and Holland would has been unexpectedly violated, and on vain still be in her possession. The limits of pretexts. Let its stipulations be re-estaFrance are in reality the Adige and theblished, and peace will be re-established be--" Rhine? Has she passed the Adige? Has she passed the Rhine? If she took not the Salsa and the Drave for her limits, was she com-:terfere in the discussion of, the limits of pelled hereto by force of arms, or was she influenced by a noble moderation? It is natural for such men as the Woronzows, the Thugutts, the Actons, in whom Europe has witnessed as much incapacity as hatred. against every thing great and liberal, whose consciences are enslaved by English gold, to employ their whole influence to propagate or to bring back the scourges of war. The hap-happens on board, only to its own Sovepiness of nations has allowed the downfall or diminution of their credit; it is also a happiness for princes. There are some who have ceased to reign from having listened to them. The calamities of a continental war would not fall either upon Russia or England, since the scenes of battle would be in Italy and Germany. And what interest then have the French, the Italians, and the Germans, in the interference of powers, who would take advantage of the moment when the most dreadful blows should be struck, to complete the ruin of Constantinople and of Ispahan? The policy of the powers of the North has ever been to excite wars, from which they had nothing to fear. It was thus, that Catharine kept Prussia and Austria for many years at war, by constantly promising succours, which did not prevent the French armies from arriving at the gates of Vienna. It was thus that the late Emperor prolonged the calamities of war, by promising succours, which never arrived till the moment, when Austria had gained some successes without them; which retired on the first reverse, and in the midst of a cam-night and this day; and whereas from those paign, left their allies to support singly, the circumstances, the knowledge we have of burthen which they had promised to bear a the great strength of the enemy lately ar share of.In a word, France and Russia rived in these seas, added to the most awk have nothing to gain by their misunderstand- ward circumstance of there being no existing ing; they cannot do each other any injury House of Assembly, it becomes necessary to by war, and whatever may be the policy of the existence of the colony that effective and the one or of the other, they can derive no- vigorous measures should be instantly adoptthing but advantages from being well with ed: I do by and with the advice and con each other. We have asserted, and we re- sent of his Majesty's council make use of the reat it, that if Russia shall evacuate the Bos- power and authority vested in me by his Maphorus, Caucasus, the Phasis, Georgia, &c.jesty, and for such cases provided, and I &c. France will consent to any arrangements that may be desired in Italy. But unhappily it is but too well known that such sacrifices are not palatable to any party; France must therefore be allowed to indemnify herself for the advantages which the other powers procure for themselves.As to Eng FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS. WAR IN THE WEST INDIES.-Proclamation issued by His Excellency the Governor of Barbadoes, proclaiming Martial Law. Dated May 18, 1905.-L. S. SEAFORTH. Whereas there is the most undoubted intelligence that, the enemy were seen in great force upon the coasts of this island last till hereby declare this island to be under mar |