nority, upon the original debates. The law was urged, and has fince been allowed by the advocates for the alteration, to be unneceffary; and therefore in itself prejudicial, as every prohibition of trade mult be. The alteration also was urged to be unneceffary, because no man living can fuppofe that the governors and council of Ireland would refuse any reasonable defire from the other fide of the water; and a very unreasonable defire they ought not to comply with, though perhaps they would. Any thing therefore that could reasonably be defired, was provided for by the original bill; and the alteration confequently could be inferted with no other view, at beft, than to enfure the fuccefs of fonie fo unreasonable a defire as that they would be afraid to truft it to the privy council of Ireland, though moft of the members of it are in office, and tho' they can all be put in, or removed, at the pleafure of the crown. What reasonable defire need they have feared to truft to fuch a body? Or is it likely that fuch a body would have refused them any thing they wifhed with respect to this matter, except it were to ftarve themselves as well as their countrymen? Is not this the fair state of the cafe? And is it not therefore clear, that this alteration was wholly unneceffary, except it were neceffary for us to give to others the power of starving us, inftead of referving to ourselves the power of feeding ourselves firft with our own corn, with the fullest and most cordial intention to affift our fifter island if we had any fuperfluity which could be applied to her convenience? This was all that could be fairly defired, and more than that we ought not to have given. Neither ought we to empower the minifters of any other country to gratify their creatures, or to encrease their influence, at the expence of this kingdom, and to the hazard of famine perhaps at home, which we have done now as many people think. For they think that minifters may be as ready to fufpend this parliamentary embargo for the profit of their creatures, as we know they have been to lay on, or to fufpend the illegal embargoes which have been often imposed on this country, under pretence of prerogative; and which have been made instruments, as this may be, of private benefit, or court influence, and not of public advantage. They therefore urged that this alteration was not only

unconftitutional, illegal, and unnecessary, but highly prejudicial in itself.

Will the author of the Antidote deny that thefe and many more arguments of the fame nature were used by the minority? If they were to be answered, why did he not anfwer them? And if they were not to be answered, why were they not acknowledged? Thus we see that this author overlooked, wholly almost, all the arguments he ought to have answered; miftated and mifreprefented the rest.

We have seen his fuccefs in overthrowing the arguments of others. How does he establish his own? Or, not to speak of establishing any thing (a task too hard, for this author) what arguments does he even attempt to advance? He fays that it is better" that the fufpenfion of this law fhould depend upon the order of his Majetty, publicly, made in the midst of his council (of Great Britain) than upon a private order, which he might fign in his closet. (p. 54.) So then this writer at laft acknowledges, that though the act is merely and folely the King's, yet there is fome difference arifing from the place in, and the perfons amongst whom, the matter is tranfacted. He allows too (furely he did not reflect, or was not quite awake) that the more public the act is, the better, and the more private the worse. (p. 54.) Now any act done in another country, with refpect to this kingdom, cannot be fo well known in this country, as an act of the fame degree of notoriety which was done in this kingdom. That is, it cannot be known fo foon, fo generally, and fo equally. Much lefs is there the fame opportunity for the people of this country to interpofe upon the firft fuggeftion of fuch a thing, thould they think it prejudicial; if it is to be done in another kingdom: As there would be if the act were to take it's rife in the capital of this country. I say therefore that if the acts were to be exactly of the fame degree of notoriety in themfelves, it would be better that the order fhould take it's rife here, than in another kingdom. How much more preferable then, according to this author's principle of notoriety, would an order be, made by the chief governors and council of Ireland, and iffued by proclamation (according to the original claufe of fufpenfion) than an order made by the king in the council of Great Britain, not to be followed and made public by pro

H 2

clamation!

clamation! How much more preferable, I fay, in point of convenience and public utility, than the inferted claufe, fuppofing the constitution not to be concern'd! What does our author fay in the next paragraph? That if the "council of Great Britain" had not been added, and if therefore the order could have been figned in his Majefty's closet, that such a private order might poffibly be obtained clandeftinely, by improper influence, upon improper and private motives, (p. 54.) as he reminds his countrymen that Embargoes have been; but that now this cannot be apprehended, for that the Council of Great Britain, will be witnesses of bis Majefy's conduct, and the judges of the propriety of it. Now I thought that the first and only defence of this alteration was, that nobody could object to the claufe fo far as refpected his Majefty, and that therefore the whole claufe was unexceptionable, for that the whole power was given to his Majefty; that the " Council of Great Bratain were mere pack-thread and paper; that they were only fpectators cf a puppet-fhow, but that his Mty did every thing. Such was the doctrine: but now it feems his Mty is to be endured for the fake of his council of Gr-t B--n, and not his council of G-t B--n for the fake of his M-ty; now he is come in upon their fhoulders, not they upon his. Before, they were faid to be fo excluded from any fhare of power in the matter, that they were harmless; but they are now admitted to fo much authority, as that they will be of infinite fervice. Before, his Mty was the common father of his two k-ms, and could not be fuppofed to facrifice one to the other. But now we are to put our truft in the council of G-t Bn. They are to be witnesses; they are to be our fpies, upon his conduct, for fear he fhould injure us; and judges of the propriety of that conduct, for fear he fhould blunder and we are to truft to the council of another country; and not to the King of our own. Who would imagine that this author was an advocate for govt, properly fo called, that is for his M-ty? But it is no new thing to fee those who call themselves friends and fervants to his M--ty, because the fupport all the jobs and dirty work of admn, it is no new thing to see them acting in open violation of his M-y's

authority, in contradiction to King's letters, and King's letters patent: Nay, it is no new thing to fee them whilst they are flaves to his Sub-t-tes, cast infults upon his M-ty himself; and deprive his Royal Family of thofe honours which are their due, in order to throw them upon their own patrons, though the most odious perfons to his My, perhaps in all his dominions.

As to the two next paragraphs, (p. 54.) they only fay that we have the ftrongest reafon to believe, that every thing will be done in the best manner for us and indeed it is artful in the author, who finds that after all he has faid, it is ftill clear that we have put ourselves in the power of others, to endeavour to convince us that we may be eafy, and that no bad ufe will be made of that power. This however, is a doctrine of unlimited confidence which no man of common fenfe ever practices in private life, and which no man of common honesty ever preaches in public concerns. Before our author concludes however, he must be candid, he says: It is almoft time; and what is his candour? He confeffes this is an innovation, and a material one; that this the first embargo which was ever laid on by our Par――t; that this is the first time that his My ever delegated this prerogative to us,though he has indeed, fays the author ironically, prefumed to referve to himself a liberty of reaffuming this authority or prerogative. Now this must be confeffed to be a piece of very impudent nonsense. We had been talking as if Par-t had delegated part of their legislative power, in delegating the power of fufpenfion; but our author tells us very modeftly, now, that his My was all the time delegating to Pt his prerogative of laying on embargoes, and that his My has been fingularly gracious and indulgent, in permitting our Pt to make a law to prohibit the exportation of our own corn. Thus the power of embargo, which has been exercised only under the pretence of neceffity; which has been often, even according to this writer, fhamefully abused; which has been always objected to as illegal; which is not indured in G—t B———n, is fet above the whole legislature; and it is infinuated that it would have been prefumption in our p -t to have at all interfered with it; and it is afferted that

and

an

an act of pt which touches upon a thing fo facred, is a material innovation in our conftitution. What can be more abominable than this? But the truth feems to be that the p- -t intended by this act, to avoid embargoes, as illegal, and as always almost abused; and there• fore, they must with reafon object to the inferted claufe of fufpenfion, because it brings back upon them the mifchiefs of embargoes in part, and gives a power to -rs of another country, to fufpend this law for the fame private purpofes, for which they have fo often taken off embargoes partially, according to our author's own acknowledgment.

the M

An abftract of the Debate on the American Stamp-Act, with the Speech of the

Rt. Hon. Mr. P-tt.

THE (peech being read, a motion was made for an addrefs, by the right bon. George vil. V-ll-rs, and feconded by Tb-m-s T-wn-nd, but did not admit of a debate. Mr. P-tt rose very early, having previously moved for a fecond reading of the addrefs; this fatisfied the houfe that he had not been confulted, but of this he gave a more fatisfactory proof in the course of his fpeech, which was in the ufual train, perfectly elegant and nervous; now and then darting into a glow, as to warm every breaft that had a feeling for British liberty; the importance of the matter recommended to their confideration he acknowledged, confeffing, with great modetty, an inability of treating it, and that he always confidered the proceedings on the bill lately paffed into a law, of fuch confequence to the profperity of the colonies, and the prefervation of liberty, as to merit all the affiftance in his power, of which it would not have been deprived, had not the precarious ftate of his health, and an abfolute confinement at the time prevented him. His opinion he fhould give uninfluenced, that he stood unconnected with any minifter, but allowed many among the prefent merited much for their abilities and integrity; yet acknowledged an influence amongst them he could not submit to. As to thofe, part of whofe measures were now the object of this debate, and fo warmly recommended by their King, he defpifed them as men, as minifters, and worse, if poffible, their meafures. As for connections, it became him to be very circum

fpect how he made them, having hitherto always found himself unfortunate. The humanity of his heart never appeared more illuftrious than in the tenderness with which he treated the character of Mr. G―nv―le. This led him to appologize for the unhappy effects of the meafures he had fallen on, as not intended, and unforeseen; this fhewed a gratitude to his very particular friend, (to whom the gentleman laft mentioned is nearly allied) who stood singly to support him, and with him ftepped from a meridian (to a private station) of as much glory and real good, as ever ornamented the annals of the British hiftory. The internal policy of the American government he approved of, and commended the endeavours of a brave people to fupport them; and treated with great contempt the pofition

of dome lawyers, that they were spiritually and virtually reprefented. (See p. 29.) His epithets, when meaning these people, were warm, and mentioned them as fuch lovers of liberty, as to quit their native country when it was no longer to be found there. Liberty, he mentioned as an operative principle, not a word, as now-adays affumed, to ride on to preferment ; and if people here loved liberty, they fhould not oppress it in America. He, with great clearnefs, pointed out the pow er of the great legislative body to support a fovereignty, but denied its right of taxing without confent; and with great energy forced his argument for this birthright of Englishmen, in which he affirmed, they had as much right to tax Ireland as America; in one they have their parliaments in the other affemblies, which, in effect, are no other than the collective voice of the people as made by their reprefentatives, under the controul of the King. He concluded with enforcing the repeal of the Stamp-A& in America, as being unconftitutional, and therefore enflaving, and reminding them of the danger the body politic mult be in, fhould its exterior parts be thus affected; and that felf-prefervation was the most operative argument he could lay before them.

Mr. G-no-le replied, endeavouring to defend the proceedings, and the right of taxation; and threw out fome obfer

vations which induced Mr. P— to rise again.

Mr. G-ge O-l-w rofe, and complimented Mr. P— with an acquiefcence

to

"

to his opinion, begged he might be fo good as to explain himself as to the influence that he had mentioned, which prevented his connecting himself with the prefent adminiftration; he urged, that a prefumption of that fort had already prevailed to their difadvantage, which might be aftablished by his affertion, if not clear.ly understood. In reply he affected a want of words to illuftrate his meaning, talked of a difunion of councils, and a difcordance among themfelves, a fomething he could not well explain,

Mr. C-no-y then rofe, and having with great modelty confeffed a furprize at finding in his prefent employment, an inability to fill it as he could with, and a readiness to refign it, if the great man, bowing towards Mr. P-tt would condefcend to fill it; declared he knew of no

influence prevailing in his My's c-un-Is, but fuch as naturally arose from the perfons conftituting it, unaffected by every extrinfic influence. Mr. P¬tt complimented Mr. C-nw-y in return. and agreed that the influence was among themselves, and arifing from one man who had been long the minifter, to the great dishonour and detriment of this country.

The addrefs paffed Nem. Con. and the whole house feemed to agree with Mr. P-tt in the propriety of the repeal. Tuesday fennight is appointed for the confideration of the question, when there is to be a call of the house; and preparatory to which day, the informations received from America are ordered to be printed under the inspection of the S―r. P. S. The houfe broke up for the first day at half past ten.

WEDNESDAY Dec. 18.

ported by the Lords Edgecombe, Scarf

Voltaire, was acted at the Royal Theatre at Hanover, by perfons of the highest rank, when prince Charles of Mecktinburgh Strelitz performed the principal character with universal applause.

WED. Jan. 1. The premium of 100l. was adjudged, by the fociety of arts, &c. in the Strand, to Mr. Benjamin Donn. teacher of the mathematics at Bristol, for his accurate and large map of the county of Devon; drawn by a scale of one inch to a mile

THURS. 2. At Ratisbon the froft was fo fevere that the Danube was almost frozen over. The thermometer was at the 10th degree.

About a quarter of an hour before ten at night, a signal from Wettminster-bridge, by the firing of a tky rocket, was given, that the funeral proceflion of his late Royal Highness Prince Frederick-William was begun; which fignal being anfwered by another from the center-arch of London-bridge, munte-guns were immediately fired at the Tower, and fo continued (as at the funeral of the Duke of Cum berland) until from a fecond fignal from the faid place, it was known the whole funeral ceremony was ended. The great bells in feveral of the churches in London and Westminster allo continued to toll till the funeral was over. The pall was fup

of Kingston was chief mourner, his train borne by Sir Thomas Robinson, Bart. The fupporters were the Duke of Chandois, and the Marquis of Rockingham. Affiftants to the chief mourner, the Earls of Talbot, Cardigan, Albemarle, Pomfret, Peterborough, Litchfield, Coventry and Ashburnham.

MOND. 13. This day the celebrated Jean Jacques Rousseau arrived in London, he was at the play on the 23d, and prefented himself in the upper box, fronting his Majesty.

MOND. 20. The feffions which began on Wednesday, Jan. 15, ended, when John Wilfon, for publishing, as true, a forged bill of exchange for 1000l. on Mr. Pagett from Ireland. John Wilford for horfe-ftealing; and John Darly for returning from transportation, being capitally convicted, received sentence of death. -At this feffions were many remarkable trials, among which that of James Gibfon, late an eminent attorney, for forging a certain writing, purporting, to be written by the clerk of the Report-Office in the court of Chancery, with intent to defraud Mr Hunt, of Stratford-upon-Avon, of the fum of 4371. 135. 7d. but a point of law arifing, whether this forgery was within the ftatute, the jury brought their verdict special.—Also that of Kinley Tyr

er,

er, a bankrupt, for not surrendering himfelf, who was acquitted.

MOND. 27. A packet was this day received at court, from Sir Henry Moore, Governor of New-York, which, it is faid,

colonies.

FRID. 31. A fquadron of men of war are fitting out with all expedition at Portfmouth and Plymouth, and the workmen work double tides in getting them ready. Eight thousand feamen, it is faid, will be wanted to man this fleet.

Lift of BIRTHS for the Year 1766.

Jan. 3. Ady of Judge Bathurst,-of

a daughter.-10. Lady of Lord Petre, of a fon.-Lady of Sir Geo. Robinson, Bart. of a fon.

Lift of MARRIAGES for the Year 1766. JOHN Oglander, Efq:eldeft fon

Dec. 10.

of the Isle of Wight, to Mifs Searle of Teftwood, Hants, 10,000l.-Jan. 4. Ja. Burnett, Efq; in Grosvenor-street, to

Mifs Calvert, fifter of John Calvert, Efq; member for Hertford hire.

Lift of DEATHS for the Year 1766.

L

ADY Harriot Campbell, filter to the E. of Breadalbane, and one of the ladies of the bed chamber to the princefs of Wales.-The celebrated Mr. Quin, at Bath.-Wm. Caflon, efq; fen. at Bethnalgreen, in the commision of the peace for Middlefex.-Vife. Fane of the kingdom of Ireland, near Reading.-Ifaac Ware, Efq; fecretary, clerk, and clerk itinerant to his Majefty's board of works. Lift of PROMOTIONS for the Year 1756. H

JON. Mr. Powlett, groom-porter to his majefty.-Samuel Sedden, Efq; fecretary of Queen Anne's bounty.—Mr. Serjeant Whitaker, one of the Welsh judges. (John Rich. Webb, Efq; dec.)

Aug. Provolt, efq; lieut. col. of the

Bouquet,

Bafil Alves, Efq; fort major of Edinburgh Castle.--Capt. M'Cartney, capt. of the Hound floop.

Tuef. Dec. 24.

HE Right Hon. John Ponsonby, Speaker of the Hon. Houle of Com? mons, received the Thanks of that auguft body, for his fpeech, on prefenting the bills for the royal affent; which is as follows:

May it please your Excellency,

"I am commanded by the cominons to prefent to your Excellency the two bills of fupply, granted by them this feffion of parliament, with a chearfulness and unanimity agreeable to the juft fenfe they have of the ineftimable bleffings they enjoy under his Majesty's most aufpicious reign.

"Confcious as they are of their loyalty, duty, and zeal for his Majefty's fervice, and relying with the most entire confi dence on your Excellency's candour and love of truth, they are fully perfuaded, that they fhall be reprefented to his Majefty in fuch a light, as may enfure to them the continuance of his Majesty's moft gracious favour and protection.

"His Majefty, ever attentive to the happiness of all his fubjects, could not have given a more convincing proof of

his paternal affection to this country, than by the appointing a chief governor to prefide over us, whole principles and public virtues are as greatly and as justly admired, as his private and domestic character is loved."

Wed. Jan. 1. The Bute Indiaman, Capt. Maitland, from Bengai, put into Crookhaven, having on board Major Monro, with a detachment of the 89th Regiment of Foot, who have been long in that fervice.

Sun. 12. The Northern mail was stopped near Newry by two men difguited, who took one filling from the driver, with a bye-bag with letters for feveral places.

·Fri. 17.

The froft continued fo fevere for feveral days, as to afford the diverton of tkateing on the ponds in the Phoenix park.

Fri. 24. The following addrefs from the city of Cork, has been prefented to his Excellency the Lord Lieut.

To his Excellency FRANCIS SEYMOUR, Earl of Hertford, Lord Lt.

Gea.