of the language in which they are written, from being studied, and reasoned upon, is absolutely impossible. All that can be expected from the best organized system of passive resistance, is to throw the study of them into the hands of the continental literati, to the exclusion of those of our own country. And apart from all consideration of national glory, we should deeply regret such a result, on account of the disposition to treat the Scriptures with disrespect, which prevails on the continent to so much greater a degree than it does in this country. Why, however, should it be assumed that the study of these historical documents will be of disservice to the cause of revelation? We maintain the direct contrary; we look for verifications of scriptural statements to be found in Egyptian documents, such as will put the infidel to silence; and what we most regret in connexion with this matter is, that these verifications are likely to be so long delayed. We do not allude to the want of documents; we believe that these exist in sufficient numbers; and from the varied and important contents of the few that have been examined, we cannot doubt that there is an abundant store of historical information to be yet brought to light. But it is of the want of labourers in this field of literature that we complain. Were the number of persons acquainted with the mode of reading Egyptian documents multiplied tenfold, there would not be more than are required for the work that is to be done. As it is, and as it is likely to be for some time to come, the task of thoroughly exploring the recovered treasures of Egypt is almost a hopeless one. There is only one country in Europe, where any encouragement that deserves the name is given to those who are engaged in this task. The King of Prussia, the Chevalier de Bunsen, and Doctor Lepsius, have all done their several parts well, and in the forthcoming historical work of the Chevalier, we may look for important and valuable results; though these results will, of course, require to be modified from time to time, as we become acquainted with the vast mass of documentary evidence which has not yet been examined. Other countries should imitate the example of Prussia. The like encouragement in France would probably provide a successor to Champollion, who might follow up his discoveries with equal sagacity and with superior judgment. And if England takes any pride in the recollection that one of her sons had, even before Champollion, made a beginning in correctly interpreting hieroglyphics, she should insist on having a full share in the great work which is in progress. A professor in one of her universities, with a class of labourers, encouraged to devote themselves to the pursuit by the institution of Egyptian scholarships or fellowships; and a

popular class for those who, without going deeply into the matter, may wish to be able to understand and to appreciate the labours of others. Such are the fair claims of Egyptian literature upon England; and the sooner they are satisfied, the better it will be for England and for the world.

According to M. L'Hôte, the royal tomb, of which the two ancient plans are in the museum at Turin, is that of Rameses V. or VI., who was a son of the king, the cover of whose sarcophagus is at Cambridge. M. Sayfforth, who affirmed that it was the tomb of that monarch himself, was probably mistaken. If so, the literati at Cambridge are chargeable with no special neglect in this matter; and we consider it due to them to make this acknowledgment.

ART. VI.-1. Past and Present Policy of England towards Ireland. London: Moxon.

2. The Ministerial Policy in Ireland; its Effects on the Church and State. By J. C. COLQUHOUN, Esq., M.P. for Newcastleunder-Lyme. London: Rivingtons.

3. Church Principles and Church Measures: A Letter to Lord John Manners, M.P., with remarks on a work entitled "Past and Present Policy of England towards Ireland." By the Author of " Maynooth, the Crown, and the Country." London: Rivingtons.

4. Letter on the Payment of the Roman Catholic Clergy, to Sir Robert H. Inglis, Bart., M.P. From HENRY DRUMMOND, Esq. London: Murray.

Ir must, we think, be obvious now, even to the most cursory observer, that we are on the eve of some great and momentous changes affecting the fundamental principles on which the English constitution has hitherto rested. The Maynooth Grant shrinks into insignificance when compared with the principles on which it has been advocated, and the views which it has disclosed. There is in the conduct of public men at this crisis, and we must add, throughout the whole of the higher classes, that sort of unsettlement of principle on the most vital points, that vacillation of purpose, that indifference to public opinion, which are the unfailing precursors of revolution. The aristocracy and the higher classes in England have, we fear, before them, many a stern and awful retribution. The Demon of revolution which they are unchaining at the bidding of a Ministry which has a second time falsified all its principles, and insanely flung to the winds the prayers of the people of England, will avenge that cause which they are betraying to its enemies. When the people feel themselves deserted by their natural leaders, when they have lost confidence in their principles and their integrity, the time for convulsions in the State is at hand.

We would address ourselves at present to the more immediate danger impending over our Established Institutions. The Church is always amongst the earliest objects of attack from the spirit of democratical innovation; and its spoliation is but the first step to the overthrow of aristocracy, monarchy, and the rights of

property. In the United Kingdom the Church is especially liable to such attacks in consequence of the number of dissenters from her communion; and in Ireland, where they largely exceed the numbers of Churchmen, and are combined by a formidable political organization, including amongst its principal objects the spoliation of the Church, it is of course to be expected that the first attacks on Church property will always be made.

We have mentioned at the head of this article some of the publications which are calculated to throw light on the present state of the public mind as regards the Church of Ireland. It seems to be the opinion of short-sighted persons like the author of the "Past and Present Policy," &c., that the Church of Ireland is the only obstacle to the pacification of that country, and they are quite willing to sacrifice it accordingly. Mr. Drummond would give up the Church as a temporary sop to a ravenous wild beast, which he hopes will spare us, and with which our successors must deal as they can. The pamphlet by the learned and excellent author of "Maynooth, the Crown, and the Country," throws light on the fearful unsettlement of view amongst men who have, till now, been considered friends of the Church. Of Mr. Colquhoun's pamphlet we can only say at present, that it gives evidence of principles and abilities which seem to us calculated to do honour to any position in the State which he may be called on to fill; and we hope that the time may not be far distant when he will have the power of carrying out into practice the sound and enlightened policy which is here recommended.

It is in the memory of our readers that little more than ten years ago the Church of Ireland was so nearly on the verge of absolute ruin, that those who contemplate its present existence, in increased numbers and efficiency, can scarcely fail to see the immediate interference of Divine Providence. Let us survey the circumstances to which we refer.

The opposition which had been offered for a long series of years to the claims of Papists for increased political powers, arose from the apprehension that the concession of those claims would have the effect of diminishing the security of the Established Church. It was on this principle that King George III. had firmly and consistently resisted those claims, and on which Sir Robert Peel and the other leaders of the Tories had invariably rested their opposition. The danger of the Church was distinctly admitted by all except by those who were in favour of "Emancipation." Nor was this danger denied by Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues, when in 1829 they introduced the measure against which they had so long contended.

It was,

on the contrary, avowedly under the influence of necessity, and

with reluctance, that the ministry gave way on that occasion. Sir Robert Peel stated, that his views as to the evils likely to result from that measure were unchanged, but that it had become necessary to do something" in order to obviate still greater evils. Thus, in fact, the Church had before her the assurance, that some power existed which was capable of carrying measures admitted to be most dangerous to herself-of forcing even her avowed friends to relinquish her defence.

We are not now about to pronounce any judgment on the conduct of Sir Robert Peel and his friends on that memorable occasion. It is needless for our present purpose to do so, and we are not desirous of introducing any topics which might have the effect of withdrawing our attention from the main object of our remarks.

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That the objections which had been raised to the measure of Emancipation" were not groundless, appeared in the course of a year or two. This measure, which we were assured by its advocates, was to pacify Ireland, and to add to the strength of the Church by conciliating its opponents, was found by experience only to have lent a powerful stimulant to the agitation for the destruction of that Church. The Romish population of Ireland en masse refused any longer to pay tithes to the clergy, who were at once reduced to a state of beggary. Many of the most excellent men were either murdered in cold blood, or put in imminent peril of their lives. For several years their incomes were entirely withheld by their Romish parishioners; and this system of combination proved so general and so determined, that the whole power of the law was insufficient to overcome it. It was in vain that "writs of rebellion" were executed by military force: the Church was at length compelled to accept from the hands of the ministry, a measure by which one-fourth part of her revenues was struck off at a blow, as the only means for preserving the remainder. The Romish population thus succeeded in transferring the payment of tithes from their own shoulders to the landlords, who were generally in communion with the Church, and they also exonerated themselves from debts legally due. The clergy in the mean time had been supported by public subscription, and by an eleemosynary grant of money from parliament.

Nor was this the whole extent of the evil which came on the Church of Ireland. While the clergy were thus impoverished and persecuted, the ministry of the day introduced their "Church Temporalities Act," which under that specious denomination, interfered with the spiritualities of the Church in the very tenderest points. Ten Bishoprics and two Metropolitan Jurisdictions were extinguished without scruple or remorse. It was a