traitors, with desertion in our ranks, and cowardice, timidity, and treachery everywhere among the leaders, with the press wavering and the pulpit dumb, and the Church indifferent, like that idle man who stood gazing up into heaven, no different results could be expected.

Now and then a bold prophet like Elijah appeared unto the people, and said, Why halt ye between two opinions? If the Lord be God, follow him; but if Baal, follow him."

But the people, we are told, answered him not a word. Yet I believe in the ultimate victory of Right over Wrong. I am confident that Justice in the end will triumph—that Truth will flourish and prevail, and God will be God still-though half the world in the meantime should face about and pray to the devil. An Almighty Principle is at the root of things: it lives, and grows, and spreads itself high and lofty towards the heavens; no crime, no conspiracy, can kill it; no breath of black untimely treason can blast it—it protects itself against red-handed violence and the fury of the mob, and it thrives in spite of the ravages of time and the little vermin of our politics. Men may turn, and wind, and twist themselves into whatever shape: the Truth has one shape, and there it stands forever the same, and waiting to be obeyed. If you will examine yourselves-if you will look at the foun

dations-if you will go down and put a light under your lives, under the Fact to test its reality, to see what beams of purpose are laid upon what stones of principle, upon what solid arches and wide-spread vaults of character, upsprings the goodly edifice— the sublime architecture of Man-you will find that Obedience is the corner and Reason the cap-stone of your being.

But "woe unto the prophets who call good evil, and evil good." Not to know good from evil, nor right from wrong, nor the Lord from Baal, nor which nature to follow, is the one perfect misfortune. First of all, it is our duty to be right; then we shall see right; and seeing, shall know what to do; and doing, we shall do what we know. Perhaps no man, says the French epigrammatist, has strength sufficient "to follow all his reason.” Let him follow, then, as far as he can. If he cannot be John Brown, let him be John-somebody else.

Be yourself. Follow the light within- follow boldly, trust the True Guide, take counsel of the better nature, the best self, and, letting yesterday be, grow forward into the light of to-morrow. Hope is prophecy. 'Calculation is less than hope. Past performances are nothing. It is spirit and tendency alone that mark the man. So we are to struggle constantly, and hope for a better state of things.

JOHN SAVARY.

THE

HE disownment of John J. Merritt, as announced by us in our last number, has called forth a remonstrance, signed by fifty-five members of the society (the names of six more, though affixed to a duplicate, having failed to be attached), and which was

presented and read to the last monthly meeting in New York, though not placed upon or referred to in its minutes.

We now quote from the discipline of this body :-" Records should be made in every monthly and quarterly

meeting of such matters as come before and are determined by them."

When this remonstrance was announced though signed by more than four times the number of those who had expressed a sentiment in favor of the previous action of the meeting, all of them members of the meeting itself the simple reading of it was most strenuously opposed by some of its leading members, including one of the committee, and they finally only acquiesced in its being read under an assurance that in this way it could be most briefly disposed of, and on condition that no record should be made of it. Thus prejudging the memorial, condemning it unheard, and deliberately over-riding a clearly-expressed provision of discipline. The animus of such a suppression of its records becomes sufficiently apparent when we remember that, should an appeal be taken, the committee which will be appointed by the monthly meeting "to attend the quarterly meeting, with copies of the minutes relative to the case, and give such explanations as may be necessary," will not now be embarrassed by finding among these any evidence of this most important memorial, and would be uncontradicted by the records, should they disclaim its having any relation to the case! Comment seems unnecessary; and yet, if it were needed, it would be furnished in the fact that John J. Merritt made a personal appeal to the same meeting in writing, through his committee, for a new hearing of the It was promptly tabled, without being read or in any way referred to, except for the of purpose suppressing it. We learn that, more hopeful than we are, he intends again to present it, with some additions, to the next monthly meeting, when, if it is again refused, we trust he will indulge us with a copy of it for publication. As the remonstrance above referred to was rejected, and refused a place upon the minutes of the meeting, we shall annex it to this notice, as form

case.

ing a part of the history of this proceeding.

We are not now alluding to this case as a personal one, or as having any public interest beyond the exhibition which it has already furnished and will probably yet furnish of the present method of conducting the business of a society claiming exclusive proprietorship in the name of Friend. Bancroft, in his history of the United States, gives to the Society of Friends the honor of having produced the model from which our own civil government seems to have been fashioned. If this honor is a deserved one, let us hope that there will be friction enough in the civil machine to prevent it from falling into the error of the ecclesiastical one, and, out-running the object of its formation, thus becoming a means of oppression rather than of protection.

(REMONSTRANCE.)

The undersigned, members of the Monthly Meeting of New York, feel a strong interest in the case of John J. Merritt which was recently before you, and resulted in a minute of disownment, which, we learn, was consequent on the report of the committee appointed to treat with him. This report, we understand, was to the effect that John J. Merritt had declined to have further interview with the committee, unless in the presence of other parties, and that the committee did not deem that further labor in the case would be of any avail.

We are informed that the committee misapprehended John's position, and that he would have met them, if necessary, alone, and felt disposed to profit by their advice.

It should be the earnest desire of all our members that no hasty action should be taken in the disownment of a Friend, on a charge of this kind, which refers only to a public appearance, in the ministry. It appears that John has so far complied with the advice of the committee, as to avoid any such public communications, since their first visit.

In view of these circumstantes, we feel very desirous that this case should receive such further attention from the Monthly Meeting as, we hope, might result in a disposition of it more beneficial to the best interests of Society, and more likely to make an impression for good upon the mind of our friend.

Without expressing any opinion as to John

J. Merritt's peculiar religious views and doctrines, or as to any of his conduct in our public meetings, we feel a concern lest his disownment at this time, should tend to produce unpleasant results in our Monthly Meeting. and lead some to regard it as an interference with the freedom of individual opinion, or an evidence of personal feeling.

John J. Merritt is one of the oldest members of our Monthly Meeting, and for many years has borne his share of duty in the affairs of the Church. We would therefore hope that the spirit of love and forbearance should be exercised towards him, which seeks not to cut off, but to restore.

(Signed,)

E. H. Miller, Richd. F. Brown, Anna C. Brown, Alice L Bunker, Forman W. Miller, Elizabeth Cocks, Deborah Cocks, Daniel C. Miller, Mary C. Miller, Phebe

Whitson, Louisa Miller, Henry W. Miller (New York), B. W. Hunt, Mary B. Loines, Stephen Loines, Mary C. Bunker, John Lockwood, Amy A. Lockwood, Edward H. Brown, Mary R. Brown, A. W. Leggett, J. B. Leggett, Rowland Johnson, Ellwood Walter, Henry Sutton, Thomas Williams, Aaron Field. George E. Brown, Lucia C. Brown, Joseph C. Brown, Saml. T. Keese, Chas. M. Field, Anna C. Field, Walter Lockwood, Richd. F. Haviland, Valentine H. Seaman, Edward C. Roberts, Phoebe H. Sutton, Louisa M. Sutton, Henry B. Sutton, Saml. H. Seaman, William P. Roberts, Edward P. Baright, Isaac W. Disturnell, Sidney Wintringham, A. B. Hance, Hannah L. Hance, Charity Platt, Caroline Williams, Edwin Marshall, Joshua W. Brown, Sarah F. Brown, Lizzie L. Brown, Robert T. Bunker, Edward S. Bunker.

as the inadequate relations between

means nothing but the practical application of Christianity to human life, for spoken of in its human relations merely, Christianity is but a perfect spiritual perception of the laws which underlie all human welfare. What was in the heart and mind of Jesus, when he said, "Love your neighbor as yourself." "Feed my little ones, inasmuch as ye do it, unto one of the least of these, ye do it unto me," will be in the heart and mind of the obedient child of God, for it rests in the necessary development of the best part of human nature.

When the minds of men are broad enough, and their instincts true enough, they will see, that no man provides well for himself, who does not first provide well for his neighbor, but the Divine Life of Jesus has inspired us with this, nobly as a faith, before we have been able to perceive it literally as a law.

Nothing has so perplexed and puzzled the Philanthropist, since Social Science first began to develope,

for every kind of labor, and the pay they are expected to give for all that they receive. The pay they receive is less, and the cost of the garments they wear more, in proportion, than the pay and the clothing of men. Miss Garrett in England pays £50 for receiving medical instruction which would cost a man £5, and whenever a woman wants thorough teaching in any special direction, if philanthropy does not interfere, we have the same result.

It is very easy for the language of political economy, to become the language of cant. It is said, that universal laws determine the wages of women as well as of men, and when a trade or occupation is overcrowded the wages must go down. This is so far true, that it has become one of our most sacred duties to open new avenues of employment to women, but besides this, it is also true, that a prejudice against the capacity of women as a laborer, has quite as much to do with the continued existence of the evil.

This capacity is to be proved by argument and experience; meanwhile, we are to find new ways to develope it, so as to make it more useful in the world, and we are to set our faces against inefficient work in women as sternly as against inefficient work in men. I trust I need not enlarge before this audience, on the position, in which women seeking work in a large city, are often placed. Women are blamed for coming to the city; they are asked, why they do not go into country kitchens and keep themselves out of temptation. The difficulties in doing this are much greater, than the people suppose who ask the quest ion, and if every woman did it, to whom the choice is open, a larger

number would still be thrown into the city than the city can provide for. Arrived in the city, the young girl seeks a cheap and comfortable home. I a am prepared to say that to a woman earning less than $7.00 a week, a clean home, where wholesome food can be had, is an impossible thing. If such a place appears, and tempts her with low prices, it is a snare, but in nine cases out of ten, she does not see the net spread over every step of her way. 66 Always believe," I once said to a young girl, "that something is wrong when high wages are offered for light work, by a person, whose name you cannot find in the "Directory." "But Madam,” she answered, "if they tell me they have just come to town, and are willing to pay for good looks and a tidy dress, why should

I not believe them ?"

Why indeed? so she went to the house, from which she fled to me that night at ten o'clock, with no clothing but her night-dress, an old bed cover, and a pair of slippers. The clergyman is probably within the sound of my voice, who went with me and the police officer the next morning to get possession of her trunk. I took the police officer to enforce my demand, and the well known minister to the poor, to protect my reputation,

for it often happens, that the presence of the police is no protection to that.

Nothing is more depressing than the absolute indifference with which the press speaks of these matters. Here is an instance from a late New York paper:

A young girl, 16 years of age, named Juette Stolt, left her home lately in Rahway, New Jersey, and came to New York to seek employment; but having sought in vain for duced to enter a house of ill-fame. work she yielded to the tempter and was in* Officer Leton took her thence to the Eighth Precinct station, from which she was conveyed to the The Ilome, No. 22 West Houston street. girl is willing to work for an honest livelihood, but in this immense city is unable to find employment.

This is not an isolated fact, says the Editor, especially just now, for nearly every firm that

employs females is unusually dull.

Are we to leave the matter here?

Now the lowest class of women, always liable to become paupers, must for a time far beyond our seeing be cared for by state or church, but there is nothing society should more sedulously guard against, than placing its thrifty working classes in this position, or even allowing them to drop into it.

They should be stimulated to selfhelp, in at least three ways:

1. They should be taught to combine, as men do against unjust employers. Accidents, fatal to a single laborer, may thus be made to work essential benefit to the whole class.

2. They should be encouraged in ways of thrift, which will enable them to become capitalists on a smail scale, and lead them to employ other

women.

3. The classes who will neither combine nor save should be assisted by capitalists, who will demand a fair interest for their money, but who are

not so limited in means as to need exorbitant profits.

In regard to the first point, it often

* I have never known a girl induced to enter a house of ill fame. They are always led thither on false pretences of work or board or kindly care.

happens that when a woman can offer skilled labor, which is very rare, the man to whom she offers it will demand it at half price; and if the woman is compelled to get her living in that special way, she is at the mercy of the employer, unless she is shrewd enough to get other women to take a stand with her, and so compel him to terms. This was done in one printing-office that I know, with success, during the war. Women employed in it, by uniting under one intelligent head, carried their point, and are still retained at full men's wages. It is idle to speak of the quality of the work in such cases as any excuse for the conduct of employers. The same game is often attempted in regard to first-class work which men cannot do, such, for example, as the shaping of shavingbrushes, for which a woman's delicate touch is necessary.

The circumstances of the case referred to were as follows:

A weekly religious paper was printed by eight women. The most experienced acted as foreman; and when, in the second year of the war, strikes began in the printing offices, a friend directed her attention to the fact, and showed her how to meet a strike should it come, as it did, into her own town. As soon as she heard of it she consulted with the rest of the hands. Seeing a possible though by no means a certain advantage, they agreed to be bound by her action in such an event. At last the hands employed on the daily evening paper of the town struck, and the publisher knew not what to do. The girl went to him, told him she would bring seven able hands with her, and was accepted at once. He was mean enough to offer half-pay, which she peremptorily refused. The eight women entered the office on full pay. They had not been there a week before everybody rejoiced in the change. There was no swearing and no drinking, but a quiet work-room. At the

end of a month the disappointed men offered to return their services were declined, but the publisher was mean enough to go to the girl who acted as foreman. My men are ready to come back," said he: "I have no fault to find with you, but I can no onger give you full wages. " Do as you please," replied the girl: "you cannot have us for any less ;" and as the whole seven said amen, the publisher had nothing to do but to keep them. The advantage that flowed from union and good sense in this case are evident, and could easily be imitated in many directions.

Secondly, Women should be encouraged to become capitalists, and for this reason the circumstances of their living should be within their own control. If a girl can bear a small room, and bread and milk diet, in order to accumulate, it ought to be possible to get it.

Those who have listened to Mr. Godkin's paper will think that, if it is impossible for man to save from mere wages, women can hardly become capitalists. But during the war I sometimes got four girls to unite in purchasing one bank share, and to add the dividends until each had a whole share of her own. They may also buy their dry goods by combining in the same way, and at much cheaper rates. I heard lately of a young girl who sustains herself in Shirley by gunning. She sends her game to market, and makes plumes from the breasts of her birds; and by this she has realized enough to buy a good house, and support not only herself, but an infirm father. Such instances are still so rare that examples be of use. may

*

It is very rare that the labor of women becomes consolidated into capital; but there is no reason why it should not. The mother of James

* Want of space compels us to omit some interesting cases which Mrs. Dall cited. We refer those who desire to pursue the subject farther to her book, "The College, the Market and the Courr."

EEITOR.