and Egyptian philosophy with the Christian religion, began to be increased about the middle of this century, by those who brought the Grecian philosophy with them into the Christian Church. As the doctrines held by the Christians respecting the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, and respecting the twofold nature of the Saviour, were least of all at agreement with the precepts of this philosophy, they first endeavoured so to explain these doctrines that they could be comprehended by reason. This was at-person of the Father as Praxeas imagined), tempted by one Praxeas, a very distinguished man, and a confessor, at Rome. Discarding all real distinction between the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, he taught that the whole Father of all things joined himself to the human nature of Christ. Hence his followers were called Monarchians and Patripassians. Nor was the latter an unsuitable name for them, if Tertullian correctly understood their sentiments; for they denominated the man Christ, the Son of God; and held that to this Son, the Father of the universe, or God, so joined himself, as to be crucified and endure pangs along. with his Son. Yet Praxeas does not ap-Victor from Montanus, whose partisan Tertullian was. pear to have erected a distinct church.' 21. Nearly allied to this opinion was that which was advanced about the same time at Rome, by Theodotus, a tanner, yet a man of learning and a philosopher; and by one Artemas or Artemon, from whom originated the Artemonites; for, so far as can be gathered from very indistinct accounts of these men left us by the ancients, they supposed that when the man Christ was born, a certain divine energy or some portion of the divine nature (and not the united itself to him. Which of these men preceded the other in time, and whether they both taught the same doctrine or differed from each other, cannot at this day be decided, so few and obscure are the ancient accounts we have of them. But it is unquestionable that the disciples of both applied philosophy and geometry to the explication of the Christian doctrine." pare Wesseling, Probabilia, cap. xxvi. p. 223, &c. [Tertullian (to whom we are indebted for all certain obscure writer, but also a prejudiced one in regard to knowledge of the views of Praxeas) was not only an Praxeas. He not only rejected his doctrine, but hated him, because Praxeas had alienated the Roman bishop Hence Tertullian, in his censures on Praxeas, is often extravagant and insulting. The opposition of Praxeas to Montanus doubtless led the former into his error. called Nahassians, or Naasians. Irenæus (lib. ii. cap. Montanus had treated of the doctrine of three persons xxxiv.) the author of the supplement to Tertullian's in the Divine essence, and had insisted on a real disbook, De Præscript. Hæret. (cap. xlvii ); Epiphanius tinction between the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. (Hæres. xxxvii ); Theodoret ( Hæret. Fabul. lib. i. cap. (Tertullian, Contra Prazeam, cap. xiii. p. 426.) Praxeas, xiv.); and Augustine (De Hares. cap xvii.), account who was hostile to Montanus, published his own doethem Christian heretics; but Origen (Contra Celsum, trine in opposition to Montanus. From Tertullian, lib. vii. sec. 28) holds them to be not Christians. Yet moreover, it appears clearly that Praxeas discarded the he speaks of them as pretended Christians in his Com- distinction of persons in the Divine essence, and, as ment on Matth. tom. iii. p. 851, &c. Philastrius makes Tertullian expresses it, contended for the monarchy of them more ancient than Christianity. It is most pro- God; but how he explained what the Scriptures teach bable they were Jewish Gnostics, and that some of them concerning the Son and the Holy Spirit is not so clear. embraced Christianity, so that the sect became divided Of the various conceptions we might gather from Terinto Jewish and Christian Ophites. There are two tullian, Mosheim gives a full investigation in his Comsources of information on this part of ecclesiastical his-ment. de Rebus Christ. &c. p. 426. See also Walch, tory. Hist der Ketzer. vol. i. pages 527-546-Schl. [See also Neander, Kirchengesch, vol. i part iii. p. 994, &c. Mur. The first is the accounts of Irenæus, Epiphanius, and others. The second is what Origen tells us (Contra Celsum, lib. vi. sec. xxxiii. &c. concerning the Diagram of the Ophites. This Diagram was a tablet, 2 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. v. cap. xxviii.; Epion which the Ophites depicted their doctrines in all phanius, Hares. liv. p. 464; Wesseling, Probabilia, sorts of figures, with words annexed. It probably con- cap. xxi. p. 172, &c. Several persons occur in the his tained the doctrines of the Jewish Ophites, and is dark tory of the heretics bearing the name of Theodotus. and unintelligible, unless we may suppose this symboli- (1) Theodotus of Byzantium, a tanner, of whom above. cal representation contained that system, the principal (2) Theodotus the younger, disciple of the former, and doctrines of which are stated by the ancients. The founder of the sect of Melchisedeckians. This sect theological system both of the Jewish and the Chris- derived its name from its holding, agreeably to the doctian Ophites, cannot be epitomized and must be sought trine of the elder Theodotus, that Melchisedec was the for in Walch, p. 461. Their serpent-worship consisted power of God and superior to Christ; and that he susin this, they kept a living serpent which they let out tained the office of an intercessor for the angels in upon the dish when celebrating the Lord's supper, heaven, as Christ did for us men on earth. (3) Theoto crawl around and over the bread. The priest to dotus, the Valentinian. (4) Theodotus, the Montanist. whom the, serpent belonged now came near, brake the Our Theodotus had saved his life during a persecution bread, and distributed to those present. When each at Byzantium, by a denial of Christ, and thus had inhad eaten his morsel he kissed the serpent, which was curred general contempt. To escape from disgrace he afterwards confined. When this solemn act, which the went to Rome. But there his offence became known. Ophites called their perfect sacrifice, was ended, the To extenuate his fault, he gave out that he regarded meeting closed with a hymn of praise to the supreme Jesus Christ as a mere man, and that it could be no God, whom the serpent in Paradise had made known to great crime to deny a mere man. He was therefore But all the Ophites did not observe these rites, excluded from the church by Victor the bishop. Thus which were peculiar to the Christian Ophites, and con- Theodotus came near to the system of the Socinians, fined to a small number among them. This worship and held Christ for a mere man, though a virtuous and must have been symbolic. The Ophites had also Talis- upright one. Whether he held the birth of Christ to mans.-Schl. [See a lucid account of the Ophites, in have been natural or supernatural, the ancient accounts Neander's Kirchengesch, vol. i. part ii. pages 746-756. are not agreed. He rejected the Gospel of John; and -Mur. [Matter gives the diagram of the Ophites in the held his own doctrine to be apostolical, and that of the second volume of his Hist. du Gnost.-R. eternal divinity of Christ to be a novel doctrine. See Walch, ubi supra, pages 546-557. Artemon has in mo men. See Tertullian, Liber contra Prazeam; and com 22. The same attachment to philosophy | doctrines of religion, but professed to be induced Hermogenes, a painter, to depart divinely commissioned to perfect and give from the sentiments of Christians respect- efficiency to the moral discipline taught by ing the origin of the world and the nature Christ and his apostles; for he supposed of the soul, and to cause disturbance in a Christ and his apostles had conceded too part of the Christian community. Regard- much to the weakness of the people of their ing matter as the source of all evil, he could age, and thus had given only an incomplete not believe that God had brought it into and imperfect rule of life. He therefore existence by his omnipotent volition. He would have fasts multiplied and extended, therefore held that the world and what- forbade second marriages as illicit, did not ever is in the world, and also souls and allow churches to grant absolution to such spirits, were formed by the Deity out of as had fallen into the greater sins, coneternal and vicious matter. There is much demned all decoration of the body and in this doctrine very difficult to be ex- female ornaments, required polite learning plained, and not in accordance with the and philosophy to be banished from the common opinions of Christians. But neither church, ordered virgins to be veiled, and Tertullian, who wrote against him, nor maintained that Christians sin most grieothers of the ancients, inform us how he vously by rescuing their lives by flight, or explained those Christian doctrines which redeeming them with money in time of perare repugnant to his opinions.' secution. I pass by some other of his austere and rigid precepts. 23. In addition to these sects, which may be called the daughters of philosophy, there 24. A man who professed to be a holier arose in the reign of Marcus Antoninus an moralist than Christ himself, and who would illiterate sect, opposed to all learning and obtrude his severe precepts upon Christians philosophy. An obscure man of weak judg- for divine commands and oracles, could not ment, named Montanus, who lived in a poor be endured in the Christian church. Bevillage of Phrygia called Pepuza, had the sides, his dismal predictions of the speedy folly to suppose himself the Comforter pro- downfal of the Roman republic, &c. might mised by Christ to his disciples, and to pre- bring the Christian community into immitend to utter prophecies under divine in-nent danger. He was therefore first by spiration. He attempted no change in the the decisions of some councils, and afterwards by that of the whole church, excluded dern times become more famous than Theodotus; since from all connexion with that body. But Samuel Crell assumed the name of an Artemonite, in the severity of his discipline itself led many order to distinguish himself from the odious Socinians, book with the title: L. M. Artemonii, Initium Evan-dence in him. Pre-eminent among these whose doctrines he did not fully approve. (See his persons of no mean condition to put configelii Johannis ex Antiquitate Restitutum, and his other were two opulent ladies, Priscilla and Maxiwritings). The history of this Artemon is very obscure. The time when he lived cannot be definitely ascer-milla; who themselves, with others, uttered tained, and the history of his doctrine is not without difficulties. It is not doubted that he denied the divinity of Jesus Christ, as held by orthodox Christians. But whether he swerved towards the system of the modern Socinians or to that of Praxeas is another question. Mosheim believed the latter; De Reb. Christ. &c. 491. But as this rests on the recent testimony of Gennadius of Marseilles (De Dogm. Eccles. cap. iii.) Walch (p. 564) calls it in question. See also Rappen, Diss. de Hist. Artemonis et Artemonitarum, Lips. 1737.-Schl. [See also Neander, Kirchengesch. vol. i. part iii. pages 996-1000.-Mur. [Of Theodotus and Artemon, see Burton's Lect. on Ecc. Hist. of the First Three Cent. vol. ii. p. 211, &c.-R. There is extant a tract of Tertullian, Liber contra Hermogenem, in which he assails the doctrine of Hermogenes concerning matter and the origin of the world. But another tract of his, De Censu Anime, in which he confuted the opinion of Hermogenes concerning the soul, is lost. [Tertullian is exceedingly severe upon Hermogenes, who was probably his contemporary, and fellow-African. Yet he allows that he was an ingenious and eloquent man, and sound in the principal doctrines of Christianity. It seems the morals of Hermogenes gave most offence to Tertullian. He had married repeatedly, and he painted for all customers what they wished. To a Montanist these things were exceedingly criminal. There is no evidence that Hermogenes founded a sect. See Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 432, &c.; Walch, Hist. der Ketzer. vol. i. p. 476, &c. and Neander, Kirchengesch, vol i. part iii. p. 976, &c.-Mur. They doubtless err who tell us that Montanus zlaimed to be the Holy Spirit. He was not so foolish. prophecies, after the example of their master, whom they denominated the Paraclete [or Nor do those correctly understand his views whom I have hitherto followed, and who represent him as asserting, that there was divinely imparted to him that very Holy Spirit, or Comforter, who once inspired and animated the apostles. Montanus distinguished the Paraclete promised by Christ to the apostles, from the Holy Spirit that was poured upon them; and held, that under the name of the Paraclete, Christ indicated a divine teacher, who would supply certain parts of the religious system which were omitted by the Saviour, and explain more clearly certain other parts, which for wise reasons had been less perfectly taught. Nor was Montanus alone in making this distinction. For other Christian doctors supposed the Paraclete whose coming Christ had promised, was a divine messenger to men and different from the Holy Spirit given to the apostles. In the third century, Manes interpreted the promise of Christ concerning the Paraclete in the same manner; and boasted that he himself was that Paraclete. And who does not know that Mahomet had the same views, and applied the words of Christ respecting the Paraclete to himself? Montanus therefore wished to be thought that Paraclete of Christ, and not the Holy Spirit. The more carefully and attentively we read Tertullian, the greatest of all Montanus' disciples and the best acquainted with his system, the more clearly will it appear that such were his views. [See Burton's Lect. on the Ecc. Hist. of First Three Cent. vol. ii. p. 155, &c.-R. H Those who follow Eusebius, who is most to be relied Comforter]. Hence it was easy for Mon- | lian denominated those of his faith the Spiritual (Spiri- tuales), and its opposers the Carnal (Psychikoi), because vol. i. part iii. pages 870-893.-Mur. [In addition to the various works on these Gnostic sects referred to in 1 See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. v. cap. xvi. and esthe several preceding notes, the student ought also to pecially Tertullian in his numerous books; and then consult Matter, Hist. Crit. du Gnost. 2d edit. 3 vol. all writers, both ancient and modern, who have treated and to read especially the sections from 44 to 48, incluprofessedly of the sects of the early ages. Quite re- sive, of Gieseler, Lehrbuch, &c. Davidson's Trans, vol. cently and with attention and great erudition, the his- i. p. 134, &c. with the very valuable references and extory of the Montanists has been illustrated by Werns- tracts contained in the notes. See also Milman's Hist. dorf in his Commentatio de Montanistis Sæculi Secundi of Christ, vol. ii. chap. v. entitled, Christianity and Orivulgo creditis Hæreticis, Dantzik, 1751, 4to. The Mon- entalism; Ritter, Geschichte der Christ. Philos. vol. i. tanists were also called Phrygians or Cataphrygians, these sects may be seen in Döllinger, Lehrbuch der books 1 and 2. The modern Roman Catholic view of from the country where they resided and originated; also Pepusians, from the town where Montanus had Kirchengesch. Cox's Transl. Lond. 1840, vol. i. chap. ii. his habitation, and which he pretended was the New The English reader may also consult Bp. Kaye's TerJerusalem spoken of in the Revelation of St. John. It tullian, &c. chap. vii.; Waddington's Hist. of the Church, appears likewise, that from Priscilla they were called part. i. chap. v.; Vidal's Translation of Mosheim's ComPriscillianists; though this name, on account of its mentaries, &c. vol. ii. and Rose's Translation of Neanambiguity, has in modern times been disused. Tertnl.der's History of the Christian Religion, vol. ii.—R. CENTURY THIRD. PART I. THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS OF THE CHURCH. 1. THAT Christians suffered very great evils in this century, and were in perfect security during no part of it, admits of no controversy. For, not to mention the popular tumults raised against them by the pagan priests, the governors and magistrates could persecute them, without violating the imperial laws, as often as either superstition, or avarice, or cruelty prompted. Yet it is no less certain that the rights and liberties of the Christians were increased more than many have supposed. In the army, in the court, and among all ranks, there were many Christians whom no one molested at all; and under most of the Roman emperors who reigned in this century, Christianity presented no obstacle to the attainment of public honours. In many places also, with the full knowledge of the emperors and magistrates, they possessed houses in which they regularly assembled for the worship of God. Yet it is probable, or rather more than probable, that the Christians commonly purchased this security and these liberties with money; although some of the emperors had very kind feelings towards them, and were not greatly opposed to their religion. 2. Antoninus, surnamed Caracalla, the son of Severus, came to the throne in the year 211; and during the six years of his reign he neither oppressed the Christians himself, nor suffered others to oppress them. Antoninus Heliogabalus [A.D. 218-222], though of a most abandoned moral character, had no hostility towards the Christians. 1 From a passage in Tertullian ( Ad Senpul. cap. iv.) asserting that Caracalla had a Christian nurse; lacte Christiano educatum fuisse; and from one in Spartianus (life of Caracalla, in Scriptor. Histor. Aug. vol i. p. 707, cap. i.) asserting that he was much attached to a Jewish playfellow when he was seven years old, it has been inferred that he was half a Christian, and on that account was indulgent to the followers of Christ. But t is much more probable that they purchased his indulgence with their gold. See Mosheim, De Rebus Christ. &c. p. 460.-Mur. 2 Lampridius, Vita Heliogabali, cap. iii. p. 796. [Di His successor, Alexander Severus [A. D. 222-235], an excellent prince, did not, indeed, repeal the laws which had been enacted against the Christians, so that instances occur of their suffering death in his reign, yet from the influence of his mother, Julia Mammæa, to whom he was greatly attached, he showed kind feelings towards them in various ways, and whenever occasion was offered; and even paid some worship and honour to our Saviour; 3 for Julia entertained the most favourable sentiments of the Christian religion, and at one time invited to the court, Origen, the celebrated Christian doctor, that she might hear him discourse. But those who conclude that Julia and Alexander actually embraced Christianity, have not testimony to adduce which is unexceptionable. Yet it is certain that Alexander thought the Christian religion deserved toleration beyond others, and regarded its author as worthy to be ranked among the extraordinary men who were divinely moved. cebat præterea (Imperator), Judæorum et Samaritanorum religiones et Christianam devotionem illue (Romam) transferendam, ut omnium cultarum secretum Heliogabali sacerdotium teneret: which Mosheim ( De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 460) understands to mean, that Heliogabalus wished the Jewish, Samaritan, and Christian religions to be freely tolerated at Rome, so that the priests of his order might understand all the arcana of them, having them daily before their eyes.-Mur. 3 See Lampridius, De Vita Severi, cap. xxix. p. 930; and Zeibich, Diss. de Christo ab Alexandro in larario culto, which is found in the Miscell Lips. Novce, tom. iii. p. 42, &c. [Most of the modern writers make Julia Mainmea to have been a Christian. See Wetstein's preface to Origen's Dial, contra Marcionitas; but the ancient writers, Eusebius (H. E. vi. 21) and Jerome (De Scriptor. Illustr. cap. liv.) express themselves dubiously. The former calls her coreßerrárny, and the latter religiosam (devout); and both state that she invited Origen to her court, then at Antioch, in order to hear him discourse on religion; but neither of them intimates that she obeyed his precepts and adopted the Christian faith. And in the life of Julia, there are clear indications of superstition, and of reverence for the pagan gods. Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 461.- Schl. 4 See Spanheim, Diss. de Lucii Britonum regis, Julie Mammee, et Philipporum, conversionibus, Opp. tom. ii. p. 400; Jablonski, Diss. de Alexandro Severo sacris Christianis per Gnosticos initiato, in Misc. Lips. Nov. ton. iv. p. 56, &c.; [and in his Opuscula, vol. iv. p. 38, &c.-R. 3. Under Gordian [A.D. 236-244] the Christians lived in tranquillity. His successors, the Philips, father and son [A.D. 244-249], showed themselves so friendly to the Christians that by many they were supposed to be Christians. And there are arguments which may render it probable that these emperors did, though secretly and covertly, embrace Christianity; but as these arguments are balanced by others been softened and brought to have more equally strong and imposing, the question respecting the religion of Philip the Arabian and his son, which has exercised the sagacity of so many learned men, must be left undecided. At least neither party has adduced any evidence, either from testimony or from love and gratitude of mankind. If, what I facts, which was too strong to be invalidated. Among the subsequent emperors of this century, Gallienus [A.D. 260–268] and some others likewise, if they did not directly favour the Christian cause, at least they did not retard it. the progress of Christianity may doubtless be reckoned the translation of the Scriptures into various languages, the labours of Origen in disseminating copies of them, and various books composed by wise men. No less efficacy is to be ascribed to the beneficence of Christians towards those whose religion they abhorred. The idolaters must have hearts of stone, not to have 4. This friendship of great men, and especially of emperors, was undoubtedly not the last among the human causes which contributed to enlarge the boundaries of the church. But other causes, and some of them divine, must be added. Among the divine causes, besides the inherent energy of heavenly truth, and the piety and constancy of the Christian teachers, especially noticeable is that extraordinary providence of God, which we are informed, by means of dreams and visions, induced many persons who before were either wholly thoughtless or alienated from Christianity, to come out at once and enrol their names among the followers of Christ. To this must be added the curing of diseases and other miracles which very many Christians still performed, by invoking the name of the Saviour. Yet the number of miracles was less in this age than in the preceding, which may be ascribed not only to the wisdom of God, but also to his justice, which would not suffer men to make gain by the powers divinely given them.' 5. Among the human causes which aided 1 See Spanheim, De Christianismo Philipporum, Opp. tom. ii. p. 400 (P. de la Faye). Entretiens historiques sur la Christianisme de l'Empereur Philippe, Utrecht, 1692, 12mo; Mamachius, Origines et Antiq. Christiance, tom. ii. p. 252, &c. See Fabricius, Luz Evangelii toti orbi exoriens, p. 252, &c.; [and Mosheim. De Rebus Christ. &c. p. 471. The most important ancient testimonies are Euseb. H. E. lib. vi. cap. 34, and Chronicon, ann. 246; Jerome, De Script. Illust. cap. liv.—Mur. 2 See Origen, Adv. Celsum, lib. i. p. 35; Homil. in Luca vii. Opp. tom. ii. p. 216, ed. Basil Tertullian, De Anima, cap. xiv. p. 348, ed. Rigaltii Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv cap. v. and others. [See also note 1, cent. ii. part i. chap. i. p. 54, &c. of this work - Mur. 3 Origen, Adv. Celsum, lib. i. pag. 5-7; Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. v. cap. vii.; Cyprian, Ep. i. Ad Donatum. p. 3, and the note of Baluze there, p. 36. Spencer, Notes on Origen. adv. Celsum, pag. friendly feelings towards the people, whose great sympathy for the poor, kindness to enemies, care of the sick, readiness to redeem captives, and numerous other kind offices, proved them to be deserving of the would not pertinaciously deny, pious frauds and impositions deserve a place among the causes of the extension of Christianity, they doubtless hold the lowest place, and were employed only by a few. 6. That the boundaries of the churc were extended in this century, no one calls in question; but in what manner, by whom, and in what countries, is not equally manifest. Origen taught the religion he professed to a tribe of Arabs; I suppose they were some of the wandering Arabs who live in tents. The Goths, a ferocious and warlike people, who inhabited Mosia and Thrace, and made perpetual incursions into the neighbouring provinces, received a knowledge of Christ from certain Christian priests whom they carried away from Asia. As those priests, by the sanctity of their lives and their miracles, acquired respectability and authority among these marauders who were entirely illiterate, such a change was produced among them, that a great part of the nation professed Christianity, and in some measure laid aside their savage manners. G 7. To the few and small Christian churches in France, erected in the second century by certain Asiatic teachers, more and larger ones were added in this century after the times of Decius [A.D. 250]. In the reign of this emperor those seven devout men, Dionysius, Gratian, Trophimus, Paul, Sa 5 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. vi. cap. xix. [But Semler, Hist. Eccles. Selecta, Cap. t. i. p. 69, supposes they were not wandering Arabs.-- Mur. 6 Sozomen, Hist. Eccles. lib. ii. cap. vi.; Diaconus, Hist. Miscelian. lib. ii. cap. xiv.; Philostorgius, Hist. Eccles. lib. ii. cap. v. [Philostorgius says that Ulphilas, who in the fourth century translated the Christian Scriptures into the Gothic language, was a descendant of the captives carried off by the Goths from Cappa docia, in the reign of Gallienus, which is not improba. ble. By the influence of their Christian captives, the Goths were induced to invite Christian teachers among them; and numerous churches were collected. Gothic bishop, named Theophilus, subscribed the acts of the council of Nice. (Socrates, Hist. Eccles lib. ii. cap. xli.) Yet there is indubitable evidence that a large part of the nation remained pagans long after this period. See Mosheim, De Rebus Christ. &c. p. 449.-Mur. A |