both directly and indirectly, been the occasion of some good; and though they were the chief support of the papal power, they nevertheless contributed something to the diminution of it, and to the Reformation. Such places as monasteries originally were, though they were abused by many, must have been a very desirable retreat to many others, in times of war and confusion. And the opportunity of leisure and meditation, with a total exclusion from the world, must have been of great use to those who had been too much immersed in the bustle and the vices of it. For notwithstanding the irregularities with which monks in general were perhaps justly charged, there must have been, in all ages, great numbers who conscientiously conformed to the rules of them. There is no period, perhaps, in which the state of Christianity, and of Europe in general, wore a more unfavourable aspect than in the fourteenth century, during the residence of the popes at Avignon; and yet Petrarch, who lived in that age, and who makes heavy and repeated complaints of the vices of it, and especially of the extreme profligacy of the court of Rome, appears to have had a good opinion of the state of many of the monasteries; and his own brother, who had been rather dissolute in his youth, retired to one of them in the very flower of his age, and became truly exemplary for his piety, humanity and other virtues, which were especially conspicuous during the great plague. Indeed, the general credit of the order in all ages cannot be accounted for on any other supposition, than that, as things then stood, they were, upon the whole, really useful. Another capital advantage which the Christian world always derived from the monks, and which we enjoy to this day, is the use they were of to literature in general, both on account of the monasteries being the principal repositories of books, and the monks the copiers of them, and because, almost from their first institution, the monks had a greater share of knowledge than the secular clergy. In the seventh century, the little learning there was in Europe was, in a manner, confined to the monasteries, many of the monks being obliged by their rules to devote certain hours every day to study, when the schools which had been committed to the care of the bishops were gone to ruin.1 A very respectable religious fraternity was founded in the fourteenth century, confirmed by the Council of Constance, called the brethren and clerks of common life." The schools erected by this fraternity acquired great reputation. From them issued Erasmus of Rotterdam, and other eminent persons. 3 The cause of literature has also been much indebted to the Jesuits, and more lately to the Benedictines; the members of both these orders having produced many works of great erudition and labour, and having employed the revenues of their societies to defray the expense of printing them. As a proof of the monastic orders having contributed something to the Reformation, it may be sufficient to adduce the following facts. The Dominicans and Franciscans soon quarrelled about pre-eminence, and they differed exceedingly amongst themselves; and these differences among the mendicant orders, as well as the division of the popedom, and the mutual excommunication of the popes and antipopes, gave several mortal blows to the authority of the Church of Rome, and excited in the minds of the people 66 1 Moshcim, II. p. 12. (P.) Cent. vii. Pt. 11. Ch. i. Beet. i. ad init. See the reference, supra, p. 242, and Villers's Essay, p. 51. a "Lea freres de la vie commune, où des parsonnes distinguees par leur savoir, et par leur piété, vivoient en commun de ce qu'elles mettoient ensemble pour ne pas vivre dans la fainé Groot, ou, le Grand, de Deventer, Docteur de Paris, et Chanoine d'Utrecht." Const. An. 1418, II. p. 601. 3 Mosbeim, III. p. 254. (P.) Cent. xv. Pt. ii. Ch. ii. Sect. xxii. antise. On attribue cet établissement à Gerard Hist. du Concil. [most] ardent desires of a reformation in the church."1 The Fratricelli, or Fratres Minores, were monks who, in the same thirteenth century, "separated themselves from the grand community of St. Francis," with a view to observe his rule more strictly. "They went about clothed with sordid garments, or rather with loathsome rags," declaiming in all places "against the corruption of the Church of Rome, and the vices of the pontiffs and bishops." These were persecuted with the utmost virulence by the other Franciscans, who were countenanced by the popes, and they continued in this violent state of war with the Church of Rome till the Reformation, multitudes of them perishing in the flames of the Inquisition. These rebellious Franciscans, therefore, de; serve an eminent rank among those who prepared the way for the Reformation, exciting in the minds of the people a just aversion to the Church of Rome in its then very corrupt state.3 The original difference of these monks with the Pope was perhaps the most trifling and absurd that can well be imagined, viz. the property of the things that were consumed by them, as bread and other provisions; they maintaining that they had not the property, but only the use of them. This dispute was at first confined to the monks themselves, but at length the popes interposed, and John XXII. declaring that obedience is the principal virtue of monks, and preferable to poverty, they asserted the contrary, maintaining that they ought not to ..obey their superiors when they commanded anything contrary to perfec Mosheim, III. p. 62. (P.) Cent. xiii. Pt. ii. Ch. ii. Sect. xxx. 2 By "a bloody decree, beginning Gloriosam Ecclesiam.'" Limborch, Hist. I. p. 104. a Mosheim, III. p. 76. (P.) Cent. xiii. Pt. ii. Ch. ii. Sect. xxxix. tion. John condemning these refractory monks, they declared him a heretic by his own authority. They even went so far as to call him Antichrist, and to appeal from his constitution to a future council. At length the revolt went so far, that the monks, supported by the emperor Lewis of Bavaria, pronounced sentence of deposition against the Pope, and set up another in his place. Since the fifteenth century, in the beginning of which the discipline of the monks was exceedingly relaxed, various reformations have been made, which, Mr. Fleury says, has raised the credit of most of the orders. But notwithstanding these reforms, and though nothing is now objected to them with respect to the observance of their rules, they are found to be of so little use in the present state of society, that it seems to be the determination of most of the Catholic powers to abolish them by degrees; as appears by the regulations that have been made respecting the time of admission, making it so late in life, that very few will not be so far engaged in other pursuits, as to have no inducement to become monks or nuns; and the authority of parents, who often found it convenient to dispose of their younger children in this way, is now generally set aside. In consequence of this, and other causes, which have been operating more silently ever since the Reformation, the religious houses are in general but thinly inhabited. Some of their revenues have already been diverted to other uses, and such is the aspect of things at present, and the wants of the several potentates of Europe, that it is justlv to be apprehended, that all the rest will soon share the same fate. 4 Fleury's Eighth Discourse, p. 30. Mosheim, III. p. 74. (P.) Cent. xiii. Pt. ii, Ch. ii. Sect xxxix. Note. 5 Eighth Discourse, p. 47. (P.) PART XIII. THE HISTORY OF CHURCH REVENUES. THE INTRODUCTION. tom of the Jewish synagogues, the In the preceding parts of this work week what they could spare, and members of which contributed every we have taken a view of the changes entrusted it with those who distributed which, in the course of time, have taken alms. Like the Jews, also, the Chrisplace with respect to the rank and tians sent alms to distant places, and character of Christian ministers; by what steps it came to pass, that, from gave to those who came from a distance with proper recommendations. having no authority whatever, besides what their greater virtue or ability sions, that Lucian says, that, to beThey were so liberal upon these occagave them, and especially from having no dominion over the faith of their fel- come rich in a short time, a man had low-christians, the authority of the nothing to do but to pretend to be a Christian. In those times both alms bishops, with respect to articles of and stipends were often called honofaith, as well as matters of discipline raries. Thus when Paul bid Timothy and worship, came to be absolute and honour widows that are widows indeed, despotic; and how, from living in a he means rewarding them for disstate of the most submissive subjection charging particular offices, which in to all the temporal powers of the world, those days widows held in churches. and keeping as far as possible from interfering in all civil affairs, they came honour, signifies worthy of a double or So also the phrase worthy of double to be temporal princes and sovereigns themselves, and to control all the tema larger reward. poral princes of Europe, even in the exercise of their civil power.. In this part I shall exhibit a similar view of the changes which have taken place with respect to the revenues of the church; and shall show by what steps ministers of the gospel, from living on the alms of Christian societies, together with the poor that belonged to them, came to have independent and even princely incomes, and to engross to themselves a very considerable part of the wealth and even of the landed property of Europe. SECTION I. THE HISTORY OF CHURCH The church had no other revenues besides these voluntary alms till the time of Constantine. Indeed, before that time, the Christian churches were considered as unlawful assemblies, and therefore could no more acquire property, than the Jewish synagogues, or other communities not authorized by the state; though in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, the senate permitting any person to give whatever he pleased church began, in the third century, by to communities already formed, the toleration or connivance, to possesa estates. But under Constantine, Christian churches were considered as respectable societies, and from that time they began to grow rich. In 321 this emperor made an edict, addressed to REVENUES, the people of Rome, by which he gave WESTERN all persons the liberty of leaving by will to the churches, and especially that of Rome, whatever they pleased. He so ordained that what had been IN the constitution of the primitive church, the apostles followed the cus taken from the churches in the perse- first,) that they alone were allowed to cation of Dioclesian should be restored superintend the distribution of the to them, and that the estates of the common church stock to the inferior martyrs who had no heirs should be clergy, as well as to the poor, accordgiven to the churches.1 ing to the merits or occasions of each By this means, in time, all churches individual. But, in consequence, prohad what was called their patrimony, bably, of some abuse of this discreand that of Rome in the sixth century tionary power, we find afterwards, that had a very great one, not only in Italy, not the bishop alone, but the whole but in other countries; and to inspire body of the presbyters made that a greater respect for these patrimonies, distribution. Still, however, it cannot they were denominated by the saints but be supposed that, the bishops that were most respected in each par- having superior influence, more would ticular church. Thus the territories be in their power in this respect, than belonging to the Church of Rome were in that of the presbyters; and these, called the patrimony of St. Peter. But being subject to the bishops in other these patrimonies were, like other es- things, would not choose to disoblige tates, subject to the laws of the conn- them in this. tries in which they were.2 We do find, however, that when Though the bishops and priests had churches grew very rich, the bishops originally no property of their own, often embezzled the estates belonging but lived upon the stock of the church, to them. This evil grew to so great a Cyprian complains that some of them, height, that at the Council of Gangres, in his time, not content with a subsist- in Paphlagonia, held in 324, they were ence in common, began to live in allowed to give some of the church separate houses of their own, and to stock to their relations, if they were have each their allowance paid in poor, but were prohibited selling the money, daily, monthly, or for a longer estates belonging to their churches, time, and this was soon tolerated. and were ordered to give an account of And, whereas part of the church stock their administration of these tempohad always been given to the poor, the ralities. And that the goods which clergy began to encroach upon this properly belonged to the bishops might part, and to appropriate it almost not be confounded with those that wholly to themselves. That part also belonged to the church, every bishop, which used to be employed in the upon his election, was ordered to give repairs of churches, &c. was inter- an account of his possessions. that he cepted in the same manner. might bequeath them, and nothing All the civil affairs of Christian else, by will. But still the bishops societies were at first managed by abusing the power that was left them, deacons, but the disposal of money, as stewards were afterwards appointed to well as of everything else, was in the take care of the temporalities of the power of the presbyters, by whose church, and the bishops were confined general directions the deacons acted; to the cure of souls. These stewards, and the bishops having encroached however, being at first chosen by the upon the presbyters in other things, bishops, the same abuses were resumed; did not neglect to avail themselves of and therefore, at the Council of Chaltheir authority with respect to the cedon, in 451, the stewards were temporalities of the church. And so appointed to be chosen by the body of great was the confidence which the the clergy.3 primitive Christians reposed in their bishops, (and with reason, no doubt, at 1 Anecdotes, pp. 129, 131. (P.) These offices of stewards became so considerable in the church of Constan Simon on Church Revenues, pp. IS, 20. (P.) tinople, that the emperors themselves inheritances left to his church, giving took the nomination of them, till Isaac them to the lawful heir, and he would Comnenns gave it to the patriarch. never make any purchases for the use The power of the steward was not so of his church. Jerome says that the great in the Western churches, but priests of his time spared no tricks or abuses in them being very flagrant, a artifices to get the estates of private custom was at length adopted, of persons; and he mentions many low dividing the church revenues into four parts, of which one was for the bishop, another for the rest of the clergy, the third for the poor, and the fourth for repairs, or probably a kind of church stock, to defray any contingent ex penses. and sordid offices, to which priests and monks stooped, in order to get the favour and the estates of old men and women, who had no children.2 The disorders of the clergy must have been very great in the time of Jerome, since the emperors were then This distribution of the church stock obliged to make many laws to restrain was the cause of great animosities and them. In 370, Valentinian made a contentions between the bishops and law to put a stop to the avarice of the the inferior clergy, in which the popes clergy, forbidding priests and monks were often obliged to interpose with to receive anything, either by gift or their advice and authority; and Father will, from widows, virgins, or any Simon ascribes to it most of the dis- women. Twenty years after, he made orders which arose in the Western another law, to forbid deaconesses to. church; the Eastern, where that par- give or bequeath the r effects to the tition was never made, being free from clergy, or the monks, of Co make the them. For while no division was made, churches their heirs; but Theodosius the idea of the property being in the revoked that edict." We may form whole society continued, and conse- some idea of the riches of the Church quently the clergy were considered as of Rome towards the middle of the the servants and beneficiaries of the third century, from this circumstance, society at large. But that partition that in that time, according to Eusemade them absolute masters of their bius, it maintained one thousand five respective shares, and gave them inde- hundred persons, widows, orphans, and pendent property; and riches and poor; and it had then forty-six priests, independence have never been favour- besides the bishop and other officers.5 able to virtue with the bulk of mankind, or the bulk of any order of men what ever. SECTION II. HISTORY OF CHURCH REVENUES AFTER THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. But those corruptions of the clergy which arose from the riches of the church began to be peculiarly conspicuous, when, after the time of Constan- THE tine, the church came to be possessed of fixed and large revenues. Jerome says, that the church had indeed become more rich and powerful under the UPON the invasion of the Roman emChristian emperors, but less virtuous; ecclesiastical laws and revenues underpire by the Norman nations, both the and Chrysostom says that the bishops went a great alteration, and upon the forsook their employments to sell their corn and wine, and to look after their whole very favourable to the church, as glebes and farms, besides spending political system, though for some much time in law-suits. Austin was very sensible of this, and often refused 1 Simon on Church Revenues, pp. 29. 21. (P. a 2 Ibid. p. 17. (P.) 3 Ibid. pp. 27, 28. (P.) 4 Anecdotes, p. 133, &c. (P.) |