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And nevertheless it is manifest, that the multitudes of fanatics, which arose in the church of Rome before the Reformation, are truly innumerable; and the operations of fanaticism in that church were, at least, as visible and frequent, as the restless workings of superstition; they went, in short, hand in hand, and united their visions and their terrors in the support of the papacy. It is, more especially, well known, that the greatest part of the monastic esta

turn, who are accustomed to study human na- upon superstition as a more predominant chature, and to describe with precision both its re-racteristic of popery than fanaticism; and yet gular and eccentric movements, must be sur- this is a leading idea, which is not only visible prised to see superstition and fanaticism* repre- in many parts of this author's excellent Histosented as opposite and jarring qualities. They ry, but appears to be the basis of all the reflechave been often seen together, holding with tions he employs, and of all the epithets he each other a most friendly correspondence; and uses, in his speculations upon the Romish reliindeed if we consider their nature, and their gion. essential characters, their union will appear, not only possible, but in some cases natural, if not necessary. Superstition, which consists in false and abject notions of the Deity, in the gloomy and groundless fears of invisible beings, and in the absurd rites, that these notions and these fears naturally produce, is certainly the root of various branches of fanaticism. For what is fanaticism, but the visions, illuminations, impulses, and dreams of an overheated fancy, converted into rules of faith, hope, wor-blishments (that alternately insulted the benigship, and practice? This fanaticism, as it springs up in a melancholy or a cheerful complexion, assumes a variety of aspects, and its morose and gloomy forms are certainly most congenial with superstition, in its proper sense. It was probably this consideration that led the author of the article Fanaticism, in the famous Dictionnaire Encyclopedique, to define it as "a blind and passionate zeal, which arises from superstitious opinions, and leads its votaries to commit ridiculous, unjust, and cruel actions, not only without shame, but even with certain internal feelings of joy and comfort;" from which the author concludes, that fanaticism is really nothing more than superstition set in motion." This definition unites perhaps too closely these two kinds of false religion, whose enormities have furnished very ill-recount with the utmost simplicity, without the grounded pretexts for discrediting and misrepresenting the true. It is, however, a testimony from one of the pretended oracles of modern philosophy, in favour of the compatibility of fanaticism with superstition. These two principles are evidently distinct; because superstition is, generally speaking, the effect of ignorance, or of a judgment perverted by a sour and splenetic temper; whereas fanaticism is the offspring of an inflamed imagination, and may exist where there is no superstition, i. e. where no false or gloomy notions of the divinity are entertained. But, though distinct, they are not opposite principles; on the contrary, they lend on many occasions, some strength and assistance to each other.

If persons accustomed to philosophical precision will not relish the maxim of the celebrated writer which I have been now consider ing, so neither, in the second place, can those who are versed in ecclesiastical history look * I use the word fanaticism here, instead of enthu siasm, to prevent all ambiguity; because, as shall be shown presently, Mr. Hume takes enthusiasm in its worse sense when he applies it to the reformers; and in that sense it is not only equivalent to, but is perfectly synonymous with, fanaticism. Besides, the latter term is used indiscriminately with enthusiasm, by this celebrated historian, in characterising †The words of the original are, "Le fanatisme est un zele aveugle et passione, qui nait des opinions superstitieuses, et fait commettre des actions ridicules, injustes et cruelles, non seulement sans honte, mais avec une sorta de joye et de consolation. Le fanatisme donc n'est que la superstition mise en

the Reformation.

mouvement."

nity of Providence by their austerities, and abused it by their licentious luxury,) were originally founded in consequence of pretended illuminations, miraculous dreams, and other wild delusions, of an over-heated fancy. Whenever a new doctrine was to be established, that could augment the authority of the pope, or fill the coffers of the clergy; whenever a new convent was to be erected, there was always a vision or a miracle ready to facilitate the business; nor must it be imagined, that forgery and imposture were the only agents in this matter;-by no means;-imposture there was; and it was frequently employed; but impostors made use of fanatics; and in return fanatics found impostors, who spread abroad their fame, and turned their visions to profit. Were I to

smallest addition of ludicrous embellishment, the ecstacies, visions, seraphic amours, celestial apparitions, that are said to have shed such an odour of sanctity upon the male and female saints of the Romish church; were I to pass in review the famous conformities of St. Francis, the illuminations of St. Ignatius, and the enormous cloud of fanatical witnesses that have dishonoured humanity in bearing testimony to popery, this dissertation would become a voluminous history. Let the reader cast an eye upon Dr. Mosheim's account of those ages which more immediately preceded the Reformation, and he will see what a number of sects, purely fanatical, arose in the bosom of the Romish church.

But this is not all-for it must be carefully observed, that even those extravagant fanatics, who produced such disorders in Germany about the commencement of the Reformation, were nursed in the bosom of popery, were professed papists before they adopted the cause of Luther; and that many of them even passed directly from popery to fanaticism, without even entering into the outward profession of Lutheranism. It is also to be observed, that beside the fanatics, who exposed themselves to the contempt of the wise upon the public theatre of popery, Seckendorf speaks of a sect that merits this denomination, which had spread in the Netherlands, before Luther raised his voice against popery, and whose members were engaged, by the terror of penal laws, to dissemble their sentiments, and even affected a de

vout compliance with the ceremonies of the || established worship, until religious liberty, introduced by the reformation, encouraged them to pull off the mask, and propagate their opinions, several of which were licentious and profane.

But, in the third place, the friends of the Reformation must naturally be both surprised and displeased to find enthusiasm, or fanaticism, laid down by Mr. Hume, as the character and spirit of its founders and abettors, without any exception or distinction in favour of any one of the reformers. That fanaticism was visible in the conduct and spirit of many who embraced the Reformation, is a fact which I do not pretend to deny; and it may be worthy of the reader's curiosity to consider, for a moment, how this came to pass. That religious liberty, which the Reformation introduced and granted (in consequence of its essential principles) indiscriminately to all, to the learned and unlearned, rendered this eruption of enthusiasm inevitable. It is one of the imperfections annexed to all human things, that our best blessings have their inconveniences, or, at least, are susceptible of abuse. As liberty is a natural right, but not a discerning principle, it could not open the door to truth without letting error and delusion come with it. If reason came forth with dignity, when delivered from the despotism of authority, and the blind servitude of implicit faith; imagination, also set free and less able to bear the prosperous change, came forth likewise, but with a different aspect, and exposed to view the reveries which it had been long obliged to conceal.

plied enormities of popery rendered so necessary, must be always distinguished from the abuses that might be, and were often made, of the liberty it introduced. If you ask, indeed, what was the temper or spirit of the first heralds of this happy Reformation, Mr. Hume will tell you, that they were universally inflamed with the highest enthusiasm. This assertion, if taken singly, and not compared with other passages relating to the reformers, might be understood in a sense consistent with truth, and even honourable to the character of these eminent men. For, if by enthusiasm we understand that spirit of ardour, intrepidity, and generous zeal, which leads men to brave the most formidable obstacles and dangers in defence of a cause, whose excellence and importance have made a deep impression upon their minds, the first reformers will be allowed by their warmest friends to have been enthusiasts. This species of enthusiasm is a noble affection, when fitly placed and wisely exerted. It is this generous sensibility, this ardent feeling of the great and excellent, that forms heroes and patriots; and, without it, nothing difficult and arduous, that is attended with danger, or prejudice to our temporal interests, can either be attempted with vigour, or executed with success. If this ingenious writer had even observed, that the ardour of the first reformers was more or less violent, that it was more or less blended with the warmth and vivacity of human passions, candour would be obliged to avow the charge.

But it is not in any of these points of view, that our eminent historian considers the spirit, temper, and enthusiasm of the first reformers. Thus many fanatical phantoms were exhibit- The enthusiasm he attributes to them is fanatied, which neither arose from the spirit of the cism in its worst sense. He speaks indeed of Reformation, nor from the principles of the re- the 'inflexible intrepidity, with which they formers, but which had been engendered in braved dangers, torments, and even death the bosom of popery, and which the fostering itself;' but he calls them the fanatical and rays of liberty had disclosed; similar in this, enraged reformers;' he represents fanaticism, to the enlivening beams of the sun, which through the whole course of his history, as fructify indiscriminately the salutary plant in the characteristic of the protestant religion the well cultivated ground, and the noxious and its glorious founders: the terms, 'proweed in a rank and neglected soil. And as testant fanaticism-fanatical churches'-are the Reformation had no such miraculous influ- interspersed in various parts of his work; ence (not to speak of the imperfection that at- and we never meet with the least appeartended its infancy, and that has not entirely ance of a distinction between the rational and been removed from its more advanced stages) enthusiastic, the wise and indiscreet friends of as to cure human nature of its infirmities and the Reformation. In short, we find a phrafollies, to convert irregular passions into regu- seology constantly employed upon this subject, lar principles, or to turn men into angels be- which discovers an intention to confound profore the time, it has still left the field open, testantism with enthusiasm, and to make reboth for fanaticism and superstition to sow formers and fanatics synonymous terms. their tares among the good seed; and this will are told, that, while absurd rites and burthenprobably be the case until the end of the world. some superstitions reigned in the Romish It is here, that we must seek for the true cause church, the reformers were 'thrown, by a spiof all that condemnable enthusiasm which rit of opposition, into an enthusiastic strain of has dishonoured the Christian name, and often devotion;' and, in another place, that the lattroubled the order of civil society, at different ter placed all merit in a mysterious species periods since the Reformation; and for which of faith, in inward vision, rapture, and ecstasy.' the reformation is no more responsible, than a It would be endless to quote the passages in free government is for the weakness or corrup- which this representation of things is repeated tion of those who abuse its lenity and indul- in a great variety of phrases, and artfully ingence. The Reformation established the sa- sinuated into the mind of the reader, by dexcred and inalienable right of private judgment;||terous strokes of a seducing pencil; which, but it could not hinder the private judgment though scattered here and there, yet gradually of many from being wild and extravagant. unite their influence on the imagination of an The Reformation, then, which the multi-uninstructed and unwary reader, and form,

We

imperceptibly, an unfavourable impression of || ed Christians to judge for themselves, to search that great event, to which we owe at this day our civil and religious liberty, and our deliverance from a yoke of superstitious and barbarous despotism. Protestants, in all ages and places, are stigmatised by Mr. Hume with very dishonourable titles; and it struck me particularly to see even the generous opposers of the Spanish inquisition in Holland, whose proceedings were so moderate, and whose complaints were so humble, until the barbarous yoke of superstition and tyranny became inColerable; it struck me, I say, to see these generous patriots branded with the general character of bigots. This is certainly a severe appellation; and were it applied with much more equity than it is, I think it would still come with an ill grace from a lover of freedom, from a man who lives and writes with security under the auspicious shade of that very liberty which the Reformation introduced, and for which the Belgic heroes (or bigots-if we must call them so) shed their blood. I observe with pain, that the phraseology and mode of expression, employed perpetually by Mr. Hume, on similar occasions, seem to discover a keen dislike of every opposition made to power in favour of the Reformation. Upon the too general principle which this eminent writer has diffused through his history, we shall even be obliged to brand, with the opprobrious mark of fanaticism, those generous friends of civil and religious liberty, who, in the revolution of 1688, opposed the measures of a popish prince and an arbitrary government, and to rank the Burnets, Tillotsons, Stillingfleets, and other immortal ornaments of the protestant name, among the enthusiastic tribe; it is a question, whether even a Boyle, a Newton, or a Locke, will escape a censure which is lavished without mercy and without distinction.-But my present business is with the first reformers, and to them I return.

the Scriptures, break asunder the bonds of ignorant prejudice and lawless authority, and assert that liberty of conscience to which they had an inalienable right as reasonable beings. Mr. Hume himself acknowledges, that they offered to submit all religious doctrines to private judgment, and exhorted every one to examine the principles formerly imposed upon him.' In short, it was their great and avowed purpose to oppose the gross corruptions and the spiritual tyranny of Rome, of which Mr. Hume himself complains with a just indignation, and which he censures in as keen and vehement terms as those which were used by Luther and Calvin in their warmest moments. I have already insinuated, and I acknowledge it here again, that the zeal of the reformers was sometimes intemperate; but I cannot think this circumstance sufficient to justify the aspersion of fanaticism, which is cast both on the spirit of the Reformation, and the principal agents concerned in it. A man may be overzealous in the advancement of what he supposes to be the true religion, without being entitled to the denomination of a fanatic, unless we depart from the usual sense of this word, which is often enough employed to have acquired, before this time, a determinate signification. The intemperate zeal of the reformers was the result of that ardour, which takes place in all divisions and parties that are founded upon objects of real or supposed importance; and it may be affirmed, that, in such circumstances, the most generous minds, filled with a persuasion of the goodness of their end, and of the uprightness of their intentions, are the most liable to transgress the exact bounds of moderation, and to adopt measures, which, in the calm hour of deliberate reflection, they themselves would not approve. In all great divisions, the warmth of natural temper,—the provocation of unjust and violent opposition,Those who more especially merit that title, a spirit of sympathy, which connects, in some were Luther, Zuingle, Calvin, Melancthon, cases, the most dissimilar characters, renders Bucer, Martyr, Bullinger, Beza, Ecolampa- the mild violent, and the phlegmatic warm;dius, and others. Now these were all men of and frequently the pride of conquest, which learning, who came forth into the field of con- mingles itself, imperceptibly, with the best troversy (in which the fate of future ages, principles and the most generous views,-prowith respect to liberty, was to be decided) with duce or nourish an intemperate zeal; and this a kind of arms that did not at all give them zeal is, in some cases, almost inevitable. On the aspect of persons agitated by the impulse, the other hand, it may be suspected, that some or seduced by the delusions of fanaticism. They writers, and Mr. Hume among others, may pretended not to be called to the work they have given too high colours to their descripundertook by visions, or internal illuminations tions of this intemperate zeal. There is a and impulses; they never attempted to work passage of Sir Robert Cotton, that has much miracles, or pleaded a divine commission;-meaning. "Most men (says he) grew to be they taught no new religion, nor laid claim to any extraordinary vocation;-they respected government, practised and taught submission to civil rulers, and desired only the liberty of that conscience which God has made free, and which ceases to be conscience if it be not free. They maintained, that the faith of a Christian was to be determined by the word of God alone; they had recourse to reason and argument, to the rules of sound criticism, and to the authority and light of history. They translated the Scriptures into the popular languages of different countries, and appealed to them as the only test of religious truth. They exhort

frozen in zeal and benumbed, so that whosoever pretended a little spark of earnestness, seemed no less than red fire hot, in comparison of the other."

Nothing can be more foreign from my temper and sentiments, than to plead the cause of an excessive zeal; more especially, every kind of zeal that approaches to a spirit of intole

* See the sensible and judicious Letters on Mr. Hume's History of Great Britain, that were publish ed at Edinburgh in 1756, and in which some points, which I have barely mentioned here, are enlarged upon and illustrated, in an ample and satisfactory manner.

rance and persecution ought to be regarded with aversion and horror by all who have at heart the interest of genuine Christianity, and the happiness of civil society. There may be, nevertheless, cases, in which a zeal (not that breathes a spirit of persecution, but) that mounts to a certain degree of intemperance, may be not only inevitable, but useful; and not only useful but necessary. This assertion I advance almost against my will, because it is susceptible of great and dangerous abuse; the assertion, however, is true, though the cases must be singularly important and desperate to which such zeal may be applied. It has been observed, that the reformation was one of these cases, and, all things attentively considered, the observation appears to be entirely just; and the violence of expression and vehement measures employed by some of the reformers might have been (I do not say that they really were) as much the effect of provident reflection, as of natural fervour and resentment. To a calculating head, which considered closely, in those times of corruption and darkness, the strength of the court of Rome, the luxury and despotism of the pontiffs, the ignorance and licentiousness of the clergy, the superstition and stupidity of the people; in a word, the deep root which the papacy had gained through all these circumstances combined,-what was the first thought that must naturally have occurred? No doubt, it was this-the improbability that cool philosophy, dispassionate reason, and affectionate remonstrances, would ever triumph over these multiplied and various supports of popery. And, if a calculating head must have judged in this manner, a generous heart, which considered the blessings that must arise upon mankind from religious liberty and a reformation of the church, would naturally be excited to apply even a violent remedy, if that were necessary, to remove such a desperate and horrible disease. It would really seem that Luther acted on such a view of things. He began mildly, and did not employ the fire of his zeal, before he saw that it was essential to the suc

cess of his cause. Whoever looks into Dr. Mosheim's history, or any other impartial account of the sixteenth century, will find, that|| Luther's opposition to the infamous traffic of indulgences, was carried on at first in the most submissive strain, by humble remonstrances addressed to the pope, and the most eminent prelates of the church. These remonstrances were answered not only by the despotic voice of authority, but also by opprobrious invectives, perfidious plots against his person, and the terror of penal laws. Even under these he maintained his tranquillity; and his conduct at the famous diet of Worms, though resolute and steady, was nevertheless both respectful and modest. But, when all moderate measures proved ineffectual, then, indeed, he acted with redoubled vigour, and added a new degree of warmth and impetuosity to his zeal; and (I repeat it) reflection might have dictated those animated proceedings, which were owing, perhaps, merely to his resentment, and the natural warmth of his temper inflamed by opposition. Certain it is at VOL. II.-43

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least, that neither the elegant satires of Erasmus (had he even been a friend to the cause of liberty,) nor the timid remonstrances of the gentle Melancthon, (who was really such,) would ever have been sufficient to bring about a reformation of the church. The former made many laugh, the latter made some reason; but neither of the two could make them act, or set them in motion. At such a crisis, bold speech and ardent resolution were necessary to produce that happy change in the face of religion, which has crowned with inestimable blessings one part of Europe, and has been productive of many advantages even to the other, which censures it.

As to Calvin, every one, who has any acquaintance with history, knows how he set out in promoting the Reformation. It was by a work composed with a classic elegance of style, and which, though tinctured with the scholastic theology of the times, breathes an uncommon spirit of good sense and moderation. This work was the Institutes of the Christian religion, in which the learned writer shows, that the doctrines of the reformers were founded in Scripture and reason; and one of the designs of this book was to show, that the reformers ought not to be confounded with certain fanatics, who, about the time of the Reformation, sprang from the bosom of the church of Rome, and excited tumults and commotions in several places. The French monarch (Francis I.) to cover, with a specious pretext, his barbarous persecution of the friends of the Reformation, and to prevent the resentment of the protestants in Germany, with whom it was his interest to be on good terms, alleged that his severity fell only upon a sect of enthusiasts, who, under the title of Anabaptists, substituted their visions in the place of the doctrines and declarations of the Scriptures. To vindicate the reformers from this reproach, Calvin wrote the book now under consideration: and though the theology that reigns in it be chargeable with some defects, yet it is as remote from the spirit and complexion of fanaticism, as any thing can be. Nor indeed is this spirit visible in any of the writings of Calvin that I have perused. His commentary upon the Old and New Testament is a production that will always be esteemed, on account of its elegant simplicity, and the evident marks it bears of an unprejudiced and impartial inquiry into the plain sense of the sacred writings, and of sagacity and penetration in the investigation of it.

If we were to pass in review the writings of the other eminent reformers, whose names have been already mentioned, we should find abundant matter to justify them in the same respect. They were men of letters, and some of them were even men of taste for the age in which they lived; they cultivated the study of languages, history, and criticism, and applied themselves with indefatigable industry to these studies, which, of all others, are the least adapted to excite or nourish a spirit of fanaticism. They had, indeed, their errors and prejudices; nor perhaps were they few in number; but who is free from the same charge? We have ours too, though they may turn on a different set of objects. Their theology savoured

somewhat of the pedantry and jargon of the || ties; let us reject their errors; let us even conschools;-how could it be otherwise, consider-demn any instances of ill-judged severity and ing the dismal state of philosophy at that pe- violence with which they may have been riod? The advantages we enjoy above them, chargeable; but let us never forget, that, give them, at least, a title to our candour and through perils and obstacles almost insurindulgence; perhaps to our gratitude, as the mountable, they opened the path to that religiinstruments who prepared the way through ous liberty, which we cannot too highly eswhich these advantages have been conveyed teem, nor be too careful to improve to rational to us. To conclude, let us regret their infirmi-l and worthy purposes.

THE THIRD APPENDIX.

SOME OBSERVATIONS RELATIVE TO THE PRESENT STATE OF THE REFORMED RELIGION, AND THE INFLUENCE OF IMPROVEMENTS IN PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE ON ITS PROPAGATION AND ADVANCEMENT; OCCASIONED BY SOME PASSAGES IN THE PREFACE TO A BOOK, ENTITLED, THE CONFESSIONAL.

In one of the notes,* which I added to those of Dr. Mosheim, in my translation of his Ecclesiastical History, I observed, that the reformed churches were never at such a distance from the spirit and doctrine of the church of Rome as they are at this day;—that the im-teract, in favour of popery, the influence of provements in science, that characterise the last and the present age, seem to render a relapse into Romish superstition morally impossible in those who have been once delivered from its baneful influence: and that, if the dawn of science and philosophy toward the end of the sixteenth, and the commencement of the seventeenth centuries, was favourable to the cause of the Reformation, their progress, which has a kind of influence even upon the multitude, must confirm us in the principles that occasioned our separation from the church of Rome.'

||gress of reformation in some popish countries, is not proportionable to the progress of science and philosophy in these countries. This, surely, is no answer at all, since there are in popish countries accidental circumstances, that coun

This reasoning did not appear conclusive to the ingenious author of the Confessional, who has accordingly made some critical reflections upon it in the preface to that work. However, upon an impartial view of these reflections, I find that this author's excessive apprehensions of the progress of popery have had an undue influence on his method of reasoning on this subject. He supposes that the improvements in science and philosophy, in some popish countries, have been as considerable as in any reformed country; and afterwards asks, 'What intelligence have we from these popish countries of a proportionable progress of religious reformation? Have we no reason to suspect (adds he) that, if an accurate account were to be taken, the balance, in point of conversions, in the most improved of these countries, would be greatly against the reformed religion?'

I cannot see how these observations, or rather conjectures, even were they founded in truth and fact, tend to prove my reasoning inconclusive. I observed that the progress of science was adapted to confirm us (namely, Protestants) in the belief and profession of the reformed religion; and I had here in view, as every one may see, those countries in which the Protestant religion is established; and this author answers me by observing, that the pro

This note was occasioned by my inadvertently mistaking the true sense of the passage to which it

relates. It has since been corrected.

those improvements in science, which are in direct opposition to its propagation and advancement; circumstances that I shall consider presently, and which do not exist in protestant states. This subject is interesting; and I therefore presume, that some farther thoughts upon it will not be disagreeable to the candid reader.

The sagacious author of the Confessioral cannot, I think, seriously call in question the natural tendency of improvements in learning and science to strengthen and confirm the cause of the Reformation; for, as the foundations of popery are a blind submission to an usurped authority over the understandings and consciences of men, and an implicit credulity that adopts, without examination, the miracles and visions that derive their existence from the crazy brains of fanatics, or the lucrative artifice of impostors, so it is unquestionably evident, that the progress of sound philosophy, and the spirit of free inquiry it produces, strike directly at these foundations. I say the progress of sound philosophy, that the most inattentive reader may not be tempted to imagine (as the author of the Confessional has been informed,) that 'improvements in philosophy have made many sceptics in all churches reformed and unreformed. For I am persuaded, that, as true Christianity can never lead to superstition, so true philosophy will never be a guide to infidelity and scepticism. We must not be de ceived by the name of philosophers, which some poets and wits have assumed in our days, particularly upon the continent, and which many lavish upon certain subtle refiners in dialectics who bear a much greater resemblance to over weening sophists, than to real sages. We must not be so far lost to all power of distinguishing as to confound, in one common mass, the philosophy of a Bacon, a Newton, a Boyle, and a Nieuwentyt, with the incoherent views and rhetorical rants of a Bolingbroke, or the flimsy sophistry of a Voltaire; and though candour must acknowledge, that some men of true

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