29

CHAP. II.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

also received in Denmark, in consequence of || the protestant doctors to preach publicly the the ardent desire discovered by Christian or opinions of Luther, but did not venture so far Christiern II. of having his subjects instructed as to change the established government and in the principles and doctrines of Luther. This discipline of the church. He contributed, monarch, whose savage and infernal cruelty however, greatly to the progress of the refor(either the effect of natural temper, or of bad mation, by his successful attempts in favour counsels) rendered his name odious and his of religious liberty, in the assembly of the memory execrable, was nevertheless desirous states holden at Odensee in 1527; for it was of delivering his dominions from the supersti- here that he procured the publication of that tion and tyranny of Rome. For this purpose, famous edict, which declared every subject of in 1520, he sent for Martin Reinard, one of Denmark free, either to adhere to the tenets the disciples of Carlostadt, out of Saxony, and of the church of Rome, or to embrace the docappointed him professor of divinity at Copen- trine of Luther. Encouraged by this resoluhagen; and after his death, which happened in tion, the protestant divines exercised the functhe following year, he invited Carlostadt him- tions of their ministry with such zeal and sucself to fill that important place, which he ac- cess, that the greatest part of the Danes opened cepted indeed, but, after a short residence in their eyes upon the auspicious beams of sacred Denmark, returned into Germany. These liberty, and abandoned gradually both the docdisappointments did not abate the reforming trines and jurisdiction of the church of Rome. spirit of the Danish monarch, who used his ut- But the honour of finishing this glorious work, most endeavours, though in vain, to engage of destroying entirely the reign of superstition, Luther to visit his dominions, and took several and breaking asunder the bonds of papal tysteps that tended to the diminution, and, in- ranny, was reserved for Christiern III., a deed, to the suppression of the jurisdiction, prince equally distinguished by his piety and exercised over his subjects by the Roman pon- prudence. He began by suppressing the despotic authority of the bishops, and by restoring to their lawful owners a great part of the wealth and possessions which the church had acquired by the artful stratagems of the crafty and designing clergy. This step was followed by a wise and well-judged settlement of religious doctrine, discipline, and worship, throughout the kingdom, according to a plan laid down by Bugenhagius, whom the king had invited from Wittenberg to perform that arduous task, for which his eminent piety, learning, and moderation, rendered him peculiarly proper. The assembly of the states at Odensee, in 1539, gave a solemn sanction to all these transactions; and thus the work of the reformation was brought to perfection in Denmark.‡

tiff.

It is, however, proper to observe, that in all these proceedings, Christiern was animated by no other motive than that of ambition. It was the prospect of extending his authority, and not a zeal for the advancement of true religion, that gave life and vigour to his reformative projects.

His very actions, independently of what may be concludea from his known character, evidently show, that he protected the religion of Luther with no other view than to rise by it to supremacy, both in church and state, and to find a pretext for depriving the bishops of that overgrown authority, and those ample possessions which they had gradually usurped, and which he wished to appropriate to himself. A revolution produced by his avarice, tyranny, and cruelty, prevented the execution of this bold enterprise. The states of the kingdom, being exasperated, some by his schemes for destroying the liberty of Denmark, others by his attempts to abolish the superstition of their ancestors, and all by his savage and barbarous treatment of those who dared to oppose his avarice or ambition, formed a conspiracy against him in 1523, by which he was deposed and banished from his dominions, and his uncle Frederic, duke of Holstein, placed on the Danish throne.

XXXII. This prince conducted matters with much more equity, prudence, and moderation, than his predecessor had done. He permitted

*See Jo. Gramii Diss. de Reformatione Danie a Christierno tentata, in the third volume of the Scriptor. Societ. Scientiarum Hafniens, p. 1-90.

† See, for a confirmation of this part of the accusation, a curious piece, containing the reasons that i

duced the states of Denmark to renounce their allegiance to Christiern. This piece is to be found in the fifth volume of Ludewig's compilation, entitled, Reliquiæ Manuscriptorum, in which the states of Denmark express their displeasure at the royal fayour shown to the Lutherans, in the following terms: "Lutheranæ hæresis pullulatores, contra jus pietatemque, in regnum nostrum catholicum introduxit; doctorem Carolostadium, fortissimum Lutheri athletam, enutrivit."

XXXIII. It is however to be observed, that, in the history of the reformation of Sweden and Denmark, we must carefully distinguish between the reformation of religious opinions, and that of the episcopal order; for, though these two things may appear to be closely connected, yet, in reality, they are so far distinct, that one might have been completely transacted without the other. A reform of doctrine might have been effected, without diminishing the authority of the bishops, or suppressing their order; and, on the other hand, the opulence and power of the bishops might

*See Jo. Molleri Cimbria Literata, tom. ii. p. 886.-Christ. Olivarii Vita Pauli Eliæ, p. 108.-Erici Pontoppidani Annales Ecclesiæ Danice, tom iii. p.

139.

It was farther provided by this edict, that no person should be molested on account of his religion; that a royal protection should be granted to the Lutherans to defend them from the insults and malignity of their enemies; and that ecclesiastics, of whatever rank or order, should be permitted to enter into the married state, and to fix their residence wherever they thought proper, without any regard to monasteries, or other religious societies.

See a German work of the learned Eric Pontoppidan, entitled, A Compendious View of the History of the Reformation in Denmark; as also the Annales Ecclesia Danica, of the same author, tom ii. iii.-See also the work of Henry Muhl, de Reformat. Religionis in vicinis Daniæ Regionibus et potissimum in Cimbria, in ejus Dissertationibus Historico-Theologicis.

30

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

SECT. I have been reduced within proper bounds, || spotic authority, that they were in a condiwithout introducing any change into the sys-tion to give law to the sovereign himself, to tem of doctrine that had been so long esta-rule the nation as they thought proper, and, blished, and which was generally received.* in effect, they already abused their power so In the measures taken in these northern king-far as to appropriate to themselves a consideradoms, for the reformation of a corrupt doctrine ble part of the royal patrimony, and of the and a superstitious discipline, there was no- public revenues of the kingdom. Such, therething that deserved the smallest censure: fore, was the critical state of these northern neither fraud nor violence were employed for kingdoms, in the time of Luther, that it bethis purpose; on the contrary, all things were came absolutely necessary, either to degrade conducted with wisdom and moderation, in a the bishops from that rank which they dismanner suitable to the dictates of equity and honoured, and to deprive them of the greatest the spirit of Christianity. The same judgment part of those possessions and prerogatives cannot easily be pronounced with respect to which they had so unjustly acquired and so the methods of proceeding in the reformation licentiously abused, or to see, tamely, royalty of the clergy, and more especially of the epis- rendered contemptible by its weakness, the copal order. For here, certainly, violence sovereign deprived of the means of protecting was used, and the bishops were deprived of and succouring his people, and the state extheir honours, privileges, and possessions, posed to rebellion, misery, and ruin. without their consent; indeed, notwithstanding the greatest struggles and the warmest opposition. The truth is, that so far as the reformation in Sweden and Denmark regarded the privileges and possessions of the bishops, it was rather a matter of political expediency than of religious obligation; for a change here had become so necessary, that, had Luther and his doctrine never appeared in the world, it must have been nevertheless attempted by a wise legislator; for the bishops, by a variety of perfidious stratagems, had gotten into their hands such enormous treasures, such ample possessions, so many castles and fortified towns, and had assumed such an unlimited and de

JE- *This observation is not worthy of Dr. Moshein's sagacity. The strong connexion between superstitious ignorance among the people, and in fluence and power in their spiritual rulers, is too evident to stand in need of any proof. A good clergy will, or ought to have an influence, in consequence of a respectable office, adorned with learning, piety, and morals; but the power of a licentious and despotic clergy can be only supported by the blind and superstitous credulity of their flock.

What does Dr. Mosheim mean here? Did

XXXIV. The kingdom of France was not inaccessible to the light of the Reformation. Margaret queen of Navarre, sister to Francis I., the implacable enemy and perpetual rival of Charles V., was inclined to favour the new doctrine, which delivered pure and genuine Christianity from a great part of the superstitions under which it had so long lain disguised. The auspicious patronage of this illustrious princess encouraged several pious and learned men, whose religious sentiments were the same with her's, to propagate the principles of the Reformation in France, and even to erect several protestant churches in that kingdom. It is manifest from the most authentic records, that, so early as the year 1523, there were, in several of the provinces of that country, multitudes of persons, who had conceived the utmost disgust to the doctrine and tyranny of Rome; and among these were many persons of rank and dignity, and even some of the episcopal order. As their numbers increased from day to day, and troubles and commotions were excited in several places on account of religious differences, the authority of the monarch and the cruelty of his officers intervened, to support the doctrine of Rome, by the edge of the sword and the terrors of the gibbet; and on this occasion many persons, eminent for their piety and virtue, were put to death with the most unrelenting barbarity.* though this cruelty, instead of retarding, accelerated the progress of the Reformation, yet, in the reign of Francis, the restorers of genuine Christianity were not always equally successful and happy. Their situation was extremely uncertain, and it was perpetually changing. Sometimes they seemed to enjoy the auspicigroaned under the weight of persecution, and ous shade of royal protection; at others they if the insolence and licentiousness of the clergy were enormous, the resentment of the Danish monarch at certain seasons they were forgotten, which may have been excessive. Nor indeed was his poli-oblivion rendered their condition tolerable. tical prudence here so great as Dr. Mosheim seems Francis, who had either no religion at all, or, to represent it; for the equipoise of government was hurt, by a total suppression of the power of the at best, no fixed and consistent system of relibishops. The nobility acquired by this a prodigious de-gious principles, conducted himself toward the gree of influence, and the crown lost an order, which, under proper regulations, might have been rendered one of the strongest supports of its prerogative. But disquisitions of this nature are foreign to our purpose. It is only proper to observe, that, in the room of the bishops, Christiern created an order of men, with the denomination of Superintendants. who performed the spiritual part of the episcopal office without the least shadow of temporal authority.

ever an usurper give up his unjust possessions with out reluctance? Does rapine constitute a right, when it is maintained by force? Is it unlawful to use violence against extortioners? The question here is, whether the bishops deserved the severe treatment they received from Christiern III.; and our author seems to answer this question in the af firmative, and to declare this treatment both just and necessary, in the following part of this section. Certain it is, that the bishops were treated with great severity, deposed from their sees, imprisoned on account of their resistance; all the church lands, towns, and fortresses, were annexed to the crown, and the temporal power of the clergy abolished. It is also

certain, that Luther himself looked upon these measures as violent and excessive, and even wrote a

letter to Christiern, exhorting him to use the clergy with more lenity. It is therefore proper to decide

with moderation on this subject, and to grant, that,

Al

protestants in such a manner as answered his private and personal views, or as reasons of policy and the public interest seemed to re

*See Beza, Histoire des Eglises Reformees de France, tom. i.-Benoit, Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes, liv. i.-Christ. Aug. Salig. Histor. August. Confessionis, vol. ii.

CHAP. III.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

quire. When it became necessary to engage in his cause the German protestants, in order to foment sedition and rebellion against his mortal enemy Charles V., he treated the protestants in France with the utmost equity, humanity, and gentleness; but, so soon as he had gained his point, and had no more occasion for their services, he threw off the mask, and appeared to them in the aspect of an implacable and persecuting tyrant.*

31

in the world. It, however, appears from the most authentic testimonies, that, even before that period, the doctrine of Luther had made a considerable, though perhaps a secret, progress in Spain, Hungary, Bohemia, Britain, Poland, and the Netherlands, and had, in alĺ these countries, many friends, of whom several repaired to Wittenberg, to improve their knowledge and enlarge their views under such an eminent master. Some of these countries openly broke asunder the chains of superstition, and withdrew themselves, in a public and constitutional manner, from the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff. In others, a prodigious number of families received the light of the

About this time the famous Calvin, upon whose character, talents, and religious exploits, we shall have occasion to dwell more amply in the course of this history, began to draw the attention of the public, but more especially of the queen of Navarre. He was born at Noy-blessed Reformation; rejected the doctrines on in Picardy, on the 10th of July, 1509, and was bred to the law, in which, as well as in all the other branches of literature, then known, his studies were attended with the most rapid and amazing success. Having acquired the knowledge of religion, by a diligent perusal of the holy scriptures, he began early to perceive the necessity of reforming the established system of doctrine and worship. His zeal exposed him to various perils; and the connexions he had formed with the friends of the Reformation, whom Francis was frequently committing to the flames, placed him more than once in imminent danger, from which he was delivered by the good offices of the excellent queen of Navarre. To escape the impending storm, he retired to Basil, where he published his Christian Institutions; and prefixed to them that famous dedication to Francis, which has attracted the admiration of succeeding ages, and which was designed to soften. the unrelenting fury of that prince against the protestants.

XXXV. The instances of an opposition to the doctrine and discipline of Rome, in the other European states, were few in number, before the diet of Augsburg, and were too faint, imperfect, and ambiguous, to make much noise

and authority of Rome; and notwithstanding the calamities and persecutions they have suffered on account of their sentiments, under the sceptre of bigotry and superstition, continue still in the profession of the pure doctrines of Christianity; while in other, still more unhappy, lands, the most barbarous tortures, the most infernal spirit of cruelty, together with penal laws adapted to strike terror into the firmest minds, have extinguished, almost totally, the light of religious truth. It is, indeed, certain, and the Roman catholics themselves acknowledge it without hesitation, that the papal doctrines, jurisdiction, and authority, would have fallen into ruin in all parts of the world, had not the force of the secular arm been employed to support this tottering edifice, and fire and sword been let loose upon those who were assailing it only with reason and argument.

CHAPTER III.

The History of the Reformation, from the Time when the Confession of Augsburg was presented to Charles V., until the Commencement of the War which succeeded the League of Smalcald.

I. THE diet was opened at Augsburg on the 20th day of June, 1530; and, as it was unanimously agreed, that the affairs of religion should be discussed before the deliberations re

The inconsistency and contradiction that were visible in the conduct of Francis I. may be attributed to various causes. At one time, we see him resolved to invite Melancthon into France, probably with a view to please his sister the queen of Navarre, whom he loved tenderly, and who had strongly imbibed the principles of the protestants.lating to the intended war with the Turks, the At another time, we behold him exercising the most infernal cruelty toward the friends of the Reforma tion, and hear him making that mad declaration that, "if he thought the blood in his arm was tainted with the Lutheran heresy, he would order it to be cut off; and that he would not spare even his own children, if they entertained sentiments contrary to those of the catholic church." See Flor. de Remond,

Hist. de la Naissance et du Progres de l'Heresie.

He was originally designed for the church, and had actually obtained a benefice; but the light that broke in upon his religious sentiments, as well as the preference given by his father to the profes. sion of the law, induced him to give up his ecclesias tic vocation, which he afterwards resumed in a purer

church.

This paragraph_relating to Calvin, is added to Dr. Mosheim's text by the translator, who was surprised to find, in a History of the Reformation, such late mention made of one of its most dis tinguished and remarkable instruments; a man whose extensive genius, flowing eloquence, immense learning, extraordinary penetration, indefatigable industry, and fervent piety, placed him at the head of the Reformers; all of whom he surpassed, at least, in learning and parts, as he also did the greater part of them in obstinacy, asperity, and turbulence.

protestant members of this great assembly received from the emperor a formal permission to present to the diet an account of their religious principles and tenets. In consequence of this, Christian Bayer, chancellor of Saxony, read, in the German language, in presence of the emperor and the assembled princes, the fainous confession which has been since distin

guished by the denomination of the Confession of Augsburg. The princes heard it with the deepest attention and recollection of mind; it confirmed some in the principles they had embraced, surprised others; and many, who, before this time, had little or no idea of the religious sentiments of Luther, were now not only convinced of their innocence, but were, moreover, delighted with their purity and simplicity. The copies of this confession, which, after being read, were delivered to the emperor, were signed and subscribed by John, elector of Saxony, by four princes of the en

32

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

SECT. I.

of it, that they might demonstrate more fully its extreme insufficiency and weakness. This reasonable request was refused by the emperor, who, on this occasion, as well as on several others, showed more regard to the importunity of the pope's legate and his party, than to the demands of equity, candour, and justice. He even interposed his supreme authority to suspend any farther proceeding in this matter, and solemnly prohibited the publication of any

pire, namely, George, marquis of Brandenburg; || were by no means satisfied with the reply of Ernest, duke of Lunenburg; Philip, landgrave || their adversaries, and earnestly desired a copy of Hesse; Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt; and by the imperial cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen; who all thereby solemnly declared their assent to the doctrines contained in it.* II. The tenor and contents of the confession of Augsburg are well known; at least, by all who have the smallest acquaintance with ecclesiastical history; since that confession was adopted by the whole body of the protestants as the rule of their faith. The style that reigns in it is plain, elegant, grave, and per-new writings or declarations that might conspicuous, such as becomes the nature of the subject, and such as might be expected from the admirable pen of Melancthon. The matter was, undoubtedly, supplied by Luther, who, during the diet, resided at Coburg, a town in the neighbourhood of Augsburg; and even the form it received from the eloquent pen of his colleague, was authorised by his approbation and advice. This confession contains twentyeight chapters, of which the greatest part are employed in representing, with perspicuity and truth, the religious opinions of the protestants, and the rest in pointing out the errors and abuses that occasioned their separation from the church of Rome.

tribute to lengthen out these religious debates. This, however, did not reduce the protestants to silence. The divines of that community, who had been present at the diet, endeavoured to recollect the arguments and objections employed by Faber, and again had recourse to the pen of Melancthon, who refuted them in an ample and satisfactory manner, in a learned piece that was presented to the emperor, but which that prince refused to receive. This answer was afterwards enlarged by Melancthon, when he had obtained a copy of Faber's reply, and was published in 1531, with the other pieces that related to the doctrine and discipline of the Lutheran church, under the title of 'A Defence of the Confession of Augsburg.'

III. The creatures of the Roman pontiff, who were present at this diet, employed John Faber, afterwards bishop of Vienne in Dau- IV. There were only three ways left of bringphine, together with Eckius, and another doc-ing to a conclusion these religious differences, tor named Cochlæus, to draw up a refutation which it was, in reality, most difficult to reof this famous confession. This pretended re- concile. The first and the most rational mefutation having been read publicly in the as-thod was to grant, to those who refused to subsembly, the emperor required of the protestant mit to the doctrine and jurisdiction of Rome, members that they would acquiesce in it, and the liberty of following their private judgment put an end to their religious debates by an un-in matters of a religious nature, and the privilimited submission to the doctrines and opinions contained in this answer. But this demand was far from being complied with. The protestants declared, on the contrary, that they

*There is a very voluminous history of the diet, which was published in 1577, at Frankfort on the Oder, by the laborious George Celestine. The history of the Confession of Augsburg was composed in Latin by David Chytræus, and more recently in German, by Ern. Solom. Cyprian and Christopher Aug. Salig. The performance of the latter is rather, indeed, a history of the Reformation in general, than of the Confession of Augsburg in particular. That of Cyprian is more concise and elegant, and is confirmed by original pieces which are equally authentic and

curious.

Twenty-one chapters were so employed. the other seven contained a detail of the errors and superstitions of the Romish church.

It is proper to observe here, that, while the Lutherans presented their confession to the diet, another excellent remonstrance of the same nature was addressed to this august assembly by the cities of Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindaw, which had rejected the errors and jurisdiction of Rome, but did not enter into the Lutheran league, because they had adopted the opinions of Zuingle in relation to the eucharist. The declaration of these four towns (called for that reason the Tetrapolitan Confession) was drawn up by the excellent Martin Bucer, and was considered as a master-piece of reasoning and eloquence, not only by the protestants, but even by several of the Roman catholics; and among others by M. Du-Pin. Zuingle also sent to this diet a private confession of his religious opinions. It is, however, remarkable, that though Bucer com

posed a separate remonstrance, his name appears among the subscribers at Sinalcald, in 1537, to the confession of Augsburg, and to Melancthon's defence

of it.

lege of serving God according to the dictates of their consciences, with a proviso that the public tranquillity should not be disturbed. The second, and, at the same time, the shortest and most iniquitous expedient, was to end these dissensions by military apostles, who, sword in hand, should force the protestants to return to the bosom of the church, and to court the papal yoke, which they had so magnanimously thrown off. Some thought of a middle way, which was equally remote from the difficulties that attended the two methods now mentioned, and proposed that a reconciliation should be made upon fair, candid, and equitable terms, by engaging each of the contending parties to temper their zeal with motheir pretensions, and to remit some of their deration, to abate reciprocally the rigour of respective claims. The first method, which seemed agreeable to the dictates of reason, charity, and justice, was highly approved by several wise and good men, on both sides; but it was ill-suited to the arrogant ambition of the pontiff, and the superstitious ignorance of the times, which beheld with horror whatever tended to introduce the sweets of religious liberty, or the exercise of private judgment. The second method, being violent and inhuman, was more agreeable to the spirit and sentiments of the age, and was peculiarly suited to the despotic genius and sanguinary zeal of the court of Rome: but the emperor had sufficient prudence and equity to induce him to

33

CHAP. III.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

reject it; and it appeared shocking to those || who were the chief supporters of the proteswho were not lost to all sentiments of justice tant cause; and, in this decree, every thing or moderation. The third expedient was there was manifestly calculated to deject the friends fore most generally approved: it was peculiarly of religious liberty, if we except a faint and agreeable to all who were zealous for the in- dubious promise of engaging the pope to asterests and tranquillity of the empire; nor did semble (in about six months after the separathe pope seem to look upon it either with tion of the diet) a general council. The digaversion or contempt. Hence various confer- nity and excellence of the papal religion are ences ensued between persons of eminence, extolled, beyond measure, in this partial depiety, and learning, who were chosen for that cree; new degrees of severity and force were purpose from both sides; and nothing was added to the edict of Worms; the changes omitted that might have the least tendency to that had been introduced into the doctrine calm the animosity, heal the divisions, and and discipline of the protestant churches, were unite the hearts of the contending parties; severely censured; and a solemn order was but all endeavours proved fruitless, since the addressed to the princes, states, and cities, that difference of opinion was too considerable and had thrown off the papal yoke, to return to too important to admit a reconciliation. It their duty and their allegiance to Rome, on was in these conferences that the spirit and pain of incurring the indignation and vencharacter of Melancthon appeared in their true geance of the emperor, as the patron and proand genuine colours; and it was here that the tector of the church.* votaries of Rome exhausted their efforts to gain over to their party this pillar of the Reformation, whose abilities and virtues added such a lustre to the protestant cause. This humane and gentle spirit was apt to sink into a kind of yielding softness under the influence of mild and generous treatment. And, accordingly, while his adversaries soothed him with fair words and flattering promises, he seemed to melt as they spoke, and, in some measure, to comply with their demands; but,|| when they so far forgot themselves as to make use of imperious language and menacing terms, then did he appear in a very different point of light; then a spirit of intrepidity, ardour, and independence, animated all his words and actions, and he looked down with contempt on the threats of power, the frowns of fortune, and the fear of death. The truth is, that, in this great and good man, a soft and yielding temper was joined with the most inviolable fidelity, and the most invincible attachment to the truth.

V. As this method of terminating the religious debates between the friends of liberty and the votaries of Rome, proved ineffectual, the latter had recourse to other measures, which were suited to the iniquity of the times, though they were disavowed by the dictates of reason and the precepts of the Gospel. These measures were, the force of the secular arm, and the authority of imperial edicts. On the 19th day of November, a severe decree was issued, by the express order of the emperor, during the absence of the Hessian and Saxon princes,

VI. No sooner were the elector of Saxony and the confederate princes informed of this deplorable issue of the diet, than they assembled in order to deliberate upon the measures that were proper to be taken on this critical occasion. In 1530, and the following year, they met, first at Smalcald, afterwards at Frankfort, and formed a solemn alliance, with the intention of defending vigorously their religion and liberties against the dangers and encroachments with which they were menaced by the edict of Augsburg, without attempting, however, any thing positively offensive against the votaries of Rome. Into this confederacy they invited the kings of England, France, and Denmark, with several other republics and states, and left no means unemployed that might tend to corroborate and cement this important alliance. Amidst these intrigues

edict, it was resolved, that no judge who refused to

To give the greater degree of weight to this approve and subscribe its contents, should be adinitted into the imperial chamber of Spire, which was the supreme court in Germany. The emperor employ their united forces in order to maintain its also, and the popish princes, engaged themselves to authority, and to promote its execution.

Luther, who at first seemed averse to this

confederacy, from an apprehension of the calamities and troubles it might produce, at length perceived its necessity, and consented to it; but, uncharitably, as well as imprudently, refused to comprehend in it the followers of Zuingle among the Swiss, together with the German states or cities, which had adopted the sentiments and confession of Bucer. And yet we find that the cities of Ulm and Augsburg had embraced the Reformation on the principles of Zuingle. In the invitation addressed to Henry VIII., whom the associated princes were willing to declare the head and protector of their league, the following * As in the confession of Augsburg there points were expressly stipulated among several were three sorts of articles; one sort orthodox, and others: viz. That the king should encourage, promote, adopted by both sides; another that consisted of cer- and maintain the true doctrine of Christ, as it was tain pro ositions, which the papal party considered contained in the confession of Augsburg, and defend as ambis nous and obscure; and a third, in which the the same at the next general council;-that he should doctrine of Luther was entirely opposite to that of not agree to any council summoned by the bishop Rome; this gave some reason to hope, that by the of Rome, but protest against it, and neither submit means of certain concessions and modifications, to its decrees, nor suffer them to be respected in his conducted mutually by a spirit of candour and chari- dominions; that he should never allow the pontiff ty, matters might at last be accommodated. For this to have any pre-eminence or jurisdiction in his dopurpose, slect persons were appointed to carry on minions;-that he should advance 100,000 crowns for this salutary work, at first seven from each party, the use of the confederacy, and double that sum if consisting of princes, lawyers, and divines; which it should appear to be necessary; all which articles number was afterwards reduced to three. As Lu- the confederate princes were obliged equally to ob ther's obstinate, stubborn, and violent temper, rendered him unfit for healing divisions, he was not employed in these conferences; but he was constantly consulted by the Protestant party, and it was with a view to this that he resided at Coburg.

VOL. II.-5

serve on their parts. To these demands the king answered, immediately, in a manner that was not satisfactory. He declared, that he would maintain and promote the true doctrine of Christ; but, at the same time as the truc ground of that doctrine lay