Lord Jeffrey, the staid critic and the precisian of the press, the parliament and the bar; John Wilson, Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh-author at once of "The Isle of Palms," and of the Noctes Ambrosiana, "Christopher in his Sporting Jacket," and the "Lights and Shadows of Scottish Life; W. E. Aytoun, writer of the "Lays of the Cavaliers," and of " My First Spec in the Bigglewades ;" and even Professor Ferrier, the Platonist of Scotland-if report belies them not-dearly loved "high jinks." It is currently reported that there is in connection (or rather as a small [P] satellite connected) with the British Association a Red Lion Club, where wine and mirth have their hour and power. Dr. Whewell and Dr. Daubeny were not only grave thinkers, but they were riotous squib-makers, and could extract conundrums out of mathematics, jests out of geology, and acrostics out of astronomy. The eagerness of the joy they took in these means of delight arose greatly from the fact that they were so opposite to the general occupations of their lives. Now we are inclined to think that the same law holds in sensation, and that long-continued studiousness is in all probability followed by a reaction in favour of gratifications to the senses and of self-indulgence.

I do not attempt to charge the eminent and excellent men named in the foregoing paragraph with vice or crime,-very far indeed from that. I look upon them as men of pure and stainless life; but I use the analogy of their love of the contrast of serious thought and social glee, to show that such a law reigns in the mind, and therefore is likely to operate in other directions, so that it is not quite certain that high education does counteract the eagerness of the senses.

Besides the analogy above noted, and the action of the law of contrast in the soul of man, we may remark that education often leads men to studies which increase their temptations, and educated men are often brought to entertain ideas which help to develope their sensual nature. There are books of highly-cultured minds in which the seductions of vice are glozed over and made attractive, and these are read and pondered and criticized by scholars-they being all the while full of moral poison destructive to the spirit. I do not think that if we could bring statistics to bear upon the question, we could prove that education counteracts the eagerness of the senses for enjoyment, and having in view the biographies of the learned and the records of their follies and their sins, we doubt much if we can do otherwise than give our voice in the negative of this serious and important question.

W. A.

Toiling Upward.

THOMAS COOPER: SHOEMAker, Chartist, and Poet.

CHAP. II.

(Continued from page 224.)

THE Reform Bill had been passed in 1832, while Mr. Cooper was quietly pursuing the avocation of a schoolmaster at Gainsborough, and was employed besides in his manifold studies and in the composition of his early poems. In the strenuous agitation which preceded the passing of that measure, the so-called "lower classes had taken an effective part, induced thereto by the hope and expectation that, as soon as the full measure of middle-class en franchisement had been secured, with the aid of those whom they then helped to victory, the further extension of political power to themselves would quickly follow. In this they were disappointed, and loud complaints were soon raised, charging the "Reformers" with unfaithfulness and betrayal.

In the manufacturing districts, too, as already stated, widespread distress existed; and, by the excluded classes, much of this was traced to the action of one-sided laws, affecting them vitally, yet in the discussion and enacting of which they were by compulsion silent and unrepresented.

To the influence of these feelings was due the formation, in London, shortly after Victoria's accession, of a society called "The Working Men's Association." Its leading object was to secure to the people, as such, an influence in Parliament proportioned to their numbers. Membership was confined to men in the industrial ranks, by the rules of its constitution, though some of the then radical M.P.s attended its meetings and assisted in the preparation of its manifesto. A new bill was drawn up, embodying the six points deemed essential to perfect freedom and genuine representation: Manhood Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, Abolition of the Property Qualification, Vote by Ballot, Payment of Members, and Equal Electoral Districts. This scheme became known as "The People's Charter," and gave to the movement its common designation. The leading principle of the Association was thus officially and forcibly expressed:*-"The man who evades his share of useful labour diminishes the public stock of wealth, and throws his own burden upon his neighbour." In the opinion of its founders to destroy the supremacy of the propertied and capitalist * Gammage's "History of Chartism," page 15.

classes, and to give to labour its proper power in government through a righteously-adjusted parliamentary system, so that class legislation might cease, and the good of all become the one purpose sought by the elected and collective wisdom of the country, was the only possible mode of removing the great social miseries which disgraced the boasted civilization of Great Britain.

Numbers of political clubs were at the same time formed elsewhere. The leaders of the metropolitan association, Messrs. William Lovett, Henry Hetherington, Henry Vincent, and others, also organized a kind of missionary plan, and called meetings and spoke and lectured with energy and success in various towns throughout the provinces.

The "Birmingham Political Union," under the leadership of Mr. Thomas Attwood, adopted the "charter as the expression of its aims; the "Northern Political Union," of which Thomas Doubleday was the secretary, did the same; the Scottish radicals became active; and soon a mighty force of opinion and effort in its favour was aroused. Newspapers for its advocacy were established; notably the Northern Star at Leeds, by Fergus O'Connor, an Irish barrister of some fortune and fair position, who had become a power among the working men of the North, the Northern Liberator at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, the Operative, conducted by James Bronterre O'Brien, a man of great attainments and literary power, and the Charter.

Great meetings in favour of Reform upon the basis of the Charter were soon held one attended by 200,000 operatives at Glasgow, another of 80,000 at Newcastle; others at Sunderland, Northampton, Birmingham, and elsewhere. A smaller but influential demonstration was held in Palace Yard, Westminster, on the 17th September, 1838, at which were present W. J. Fox, Ebenezer Elliott, the Corn Law Rhymer, Colonel Thompson, Feargus O'Connor, &c. Many of the speeches at these meetings were culpably exciting and unwise, though some were characterized by sobriety of judgment, force of moral earnestness, and much intellectual ability. Some of the agitators, and those often such as had no excuse in their own circumstances or experience of poverty and suffering, advocated the wildest measures of physical force. For some there was that excuse; such as, for instance, Richard Marsden, of Preston, described as naturally humane, generous, and filled with the spirit of benevolence, who yet had been driven to conclude that society could be regenerated only through Civil War. He had been thrown out of work, and his family was reduced even to starvation. With a suckling infant, his wife was compelled to go without even ordinary nourishment, until at length the babe could draw nothing from her breast but actual blood.* Many friends and prominent advocates of the cause, however, strongly deprecated a resort to anything beyond peaceful agitation and moral force.

*Gammage, p. 119.

A "National Petition" (which had been drawn up by Mr. Douglas, of Birmingham) to the House of Commons, in which five of the "six points" were embodied, was universally agreed upon, and a general subscription commenced to defray the expenses of the campaign. Delegates were chosen to represent each local society in a central " Convention" or representative body, which sat in London for some months during the parliamentary session, William Lovett being the secretary. Torchlight meetings began to be held, especially through the factory districts, and the harangues at these increased in violence, until at length a royal proclamation was issued, setting forth the illegality of such assemblages, and pointing out the penalties incurred by their promoters and attendants.

A Rev. J. R. Stephens, Wesleyan minister, one of the most energetic and extreme propounders of physical force doctrines, was arrested at Manchester for sedition; but, after examination, released on bail. He continued his addresses, however, as before; and some months later was tried at the assizes and sentenced to eighteen months' imprisonment. Henry Vincent was arrested at Newport, tried at the Monmouth assizes, and sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment. Many other influential advocates of the Chartist policy speedily met with a similar fate. Meanwhile an appeal had been made to the entire people to support and carry out the proposals of the Convention, the principal of which were—a universal abstinence from exciseable articles, by which the " supplies" of the ruling powers would be cut off, exclusive dealing with supporters of the Charter, general arming, withdrawal of money from the banks, and total cessation of labour for a month. Simultaneous meetings to consider the scheme were held in all the larger towns.

At Birmingham a meeting in the Bull Ring was attacked by a body of police, led by the magistrates, and a temporary riot ensued. A larger assembly then met upon Holloway Head, partially armed, but the crowded meeting was dissuaded from further action by the Chartist leaders. The Convention, which was then sitting in the town, passed some strong resolutions, condemnatory of the action of the magistrates; and these, signed by Mr. William Lovett as secretary, were speedily made public. For this step Lovett was arrested, together with many persons who had participated in the disturbances. Meetings were soon renewed, and then the whole town was placed under martial law. A number of people were again attacked by the police in order to effect their dispersion, but this time in vain; and a serious outbreak resulted, in which the shops of some obnoxious dealers, situated in various parts of the town, were gutted and set on fire. Many further arrests were made in consequence. Great excitement was occasioned throughout the country, and the Chartists warmly denounced the interference with the right of public meeting which led to the troubles at Birmingham, while in many places a rising was determined upon

in case of proceedings being taken against the body of representatives which had met as the "Convention."

The "National Petition" had been signed by 1,200,000 persons. It was presented in June, 1839, to the House of Commons by Mr. Thomas Attwood, and he was permitted to speak in its behalf. A month afterwards, Mr. Attwood formally moved that the House should go into Committee for its consideration. His motion was opposed by Lord John Russell and most of the Whig party, and it rejected by a majority of 237 against 48.

The Convention again assembled in London; and, as soon as the result of the motion on the petition was known, met specially to consider the propriety of proposing the "sacred month," or universal and simultaneous abstinence from labour. Great divisions

had already existed among the delegates upon the physical force question, and they extended to this subject also. Some thought that its adoption would paralyse the Government; others more wisely contended that, unless the people were everywhere prepared for its adoption, which they denied was the case, it could not be properly carried out, and a partial strike would be to their own injury alone.

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William Lovett's trial came on; he had been taken prisoner along with John Collins the printer, and they were sent to Warwick gaol for a libel on the police; and he, with many more, was sentenced to imprisonment. In Warwick gaol Collins and Lovett wrote their memorable work "Chartism: a Plan for the Education and Improvement of the People." New arrests were made for alleged sedition. O'Connor, Bronterre O'Brien, and many less prominent men, were apprehended, but released upon security being given. Meetings were again held; and, when these were prevented, the Chartists showed their numbers by marching to the churches upon Sunday,* first notifying their intention to the clergymen, and recommending them to preach upon selected texts, such as The husbandman that laboureth shall be first partaker of the fruits." Rumours became rife that Henry Vincent and his fellow-prisoners were ill-treated, and a scheme was arranged for their release. The Newport Chartists, headed by Mr. John Frost, one of the borough magistrates, rose in a body and attacked the military, but were fired upon with fatal results. Mr. Frost was at once apprehended, along with Zephaniah Williams, William Jones, and many of their companions, and a special commission was appointed for their trial. He and several more were found guilty upon the capital charge of treason, with a recommendation to mercy, and were condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, according to the usual form. The sentence was commuted, on petition, to transportation for life; but, not long ago, Mr. Frost received a free pardon, and returned to his former position in society.

Washington Wilks's "History of the Half-century " 1800-1850, page 280. Gammage, page 166.