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phers blended their opinions with its pure doctrines, and were so audacious as to submit that divine system of faith and piety to be scrutinized and modified by the fallible rules of imperfect reason.

CHAPTER II.

Concerning the calamitous Events that happened

to the Church during this Century.

who breathed nothing but fury against the disciples of Jesus. The office of an accuser was also become dangerous, and very few were disposed to undertake it, so that the sacerdotal craft was now inventing new methods to oppress the Christians. The law of Trajan was therefore artfully evaded under the reign of his succesthe priests, demanded of the magistrates, with sor Adrian. The populace, set in motion by one voice, during the public games, the deI. In the beginning of this century, there struction of the Christians; and the magiswere no laws in force against the Christians; trates, fearing that a sedition might be the for the senate had annulled the cruel edicts of consequence of despising or opposing these Nero, and Nerva had abrogated the sanguinary popular clamours, were too much disposed to laws of his predecessor, Domitian. But not- indulge them in their request. During these withstanding this, a horrid custom prevailed, commotions, Serenus Granianus, proconsul of of persecuting the Christians, and even of put- Asia, represented to the emperor how barbating them to death, as often as sanguinary rous and unjust it was to sacrifice, to the fury priests, or an outrageous populace instigated of a lawless multitude, persons who had been by those ecclesiastics, demanded their destruc- convicted of no crime. Nor were his wise and tion. Hence it happened, that, even under the equitable remonstrances fruitless; for Adrian, reign of the good Trajan, popular clamours* by an edict issued out to these magistrates, were raised against the Christians, many of prohibited the putting the Christians to death, whom fell victims to the rage of a merciless unless they were regularly accused and conmultitude. Such were the riotous proceed-victed of crimes committed against the laws; ings that happened in Bithynia, under the administration of Pliny the younger, who, on that occasion, wrote to the emperor, to know in what manner he was to conduct himself toward the Christians. The answer which he received from Trajan amounted to this, "That the Christians were not to be officiously sought after, but that such as were accused and convicted of an adherence to Christianity were to|| be put to death as wicked citizens, if they did not return to the religion of their ancestors."|| II. This edict of Trajan, being registered among the public and solemn laws of the Roman empire, set bounds, indeed, to the fury of those who persecuted the Christians, but was the occasion of martyrdom to many, even unIV. The law of Adrian, according to its nader the best emperors. For, as often as an ac- tural sense, seemed to cover the Christians cuser appeared, and the person accused of an from the fury of their enemies, since it renadherence to Christianity confessed the truth of dered them punishable on no other account the charge, the alternative was apostasy or than the commission of crimes, and since the death, since a magnanimous perseverance in magistrates refused to interpret their religion the Christian faith was, according to the edict as the crime mentioned in the imperial edict. of Trajan, a capital crime. And, accordingly, Therefore their enemies invented a new method the venerable and aged Simeon, son of Cleo- of attacking them under the reign of Antoninus phas, and bishop of Jerusalem, was, by this Pius, even by accusing them of impiety and very law, crucified in consequence of an accu- atheism. This calumny was refuted in an sation formed against him by the Jews. By apology for the Christians, presented to the emthe same law, also, was the great and pious peror by Justin Martyr; in consequence of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, ordered by Trajan which, this equitable prince ordered that all himself to expire in the Roman theatre, ex-proceedings against them should be regulated posed to the rapacity of furious beasts;§ for, as the law simply denounced death to such as were convicted of an attachment to Christ, the kind of punishment was left by the legislator to the choice of the judge.

III. Such of the Christians as could conceal their profession were indeed sheltered under the law of Trajan, which was, therefore, a disagreeable restraint upon the heathen priests,

* Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iii. cap. xxxii. See Pliny's Letters, book x. let. xcvii. and xcviii, which have been illustrated by many learned men, such as Vossius, Bohmer, Baldwin, Heuman, and others.

Eusebius, Hist. Eccles: lib. ii. cap. xxxii. p. 103. See the Acta Martyrii Ignatiani, published by Rumart, and also in the Collection of the Apostolic Fathers.

and this edict appears to have been a solemn renewal of the law of Trajan.* The moderation of the emperor, in this edict, may, perhaps, have been produced by the admirable apologies of Quadratus and Aristides, in favour of the Christians, which were every way proper to dispel the angry prejudices of a mind that had any sense of equity and humanity left. But it was not from the Romans alone, that the disciples of Christ were to feel oppression; Barcochebas, the pretended king of the Jews, whom Adrian afterwards defeated, vented against them all his fury, because they refused to join his standard, and second his rebellion.†

by the law of Adrian.‡ This, however, was not sufficient to suppress the rage of bloodthirsty persecution; for some time after this, on occasion of some earthquakes which happened in Asia, the people renewed their violence against the Christians, whom they considered as the authors of those calamities, and treated consequently in the most cruel and injurious manner. The emperor, informed of these unjust and barbarous proceedings, addressed an edict to the whole province of Asia, in which he denounced capital punishment

* Compare Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. ix. with Balduinus ad Edicta Princip. in Christianos, p. 73. Justin Mart. Apologia secunda, p. 72, edit. Colon. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xxvi. P. 148.

against such as should, for the future, accuse the Christians, without being able to prove them guilty of any crime.*

V. This worthy prince was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the philosopher, whom most writers have celebrated beyond measure on account of his extraordinary wisdom and virtue. It is not, however, in his conduct toward the Christians that we must look for the reasons of these pompous encomiums; for, here the clemency and justice of that emperor suffer a strange eclipse. He did not, indeed, revoke the edict of Antoninus Pius, or abrogate the laws which the preceding emperors had enacted in favour of the Christians; but he did what was equally pernicious to them. Without examining impartially their cause, he lent an easy and attentive ear to the most virulent insinuations of their enemies, especially to the malignant calumnies of the philosophers, who accused them of the most horrid crimes and the most monstrous impiety, and charged them with renewing the shocking feasts of Thyestes, and the incestuous amours of the Theban prin e; so that, if we except that of Nero, there was 1 o reign under which the Christians were more injuriously and cruelly treated, than under that of the wise and virtuous Marcus Aurelius; and yet there was no reign under which such numerous and victorious Apologies were published in their behalf. Those which Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Tatian, wrote upon this occasion, are still extant.

VI. This emperor issued against the Christians, whom he regarded as a vain, obstinate, and vicious set of men, edicts, which, upon the whole, were very unjust; though we do not know, at this distance of time, their particular contents. In consequence of these imperial edicts, the judges and magistrates received the accusations, which even slaves, and the vilest of the perjured rabble, brought against the followers of Jesus; and the Christians were put to the most cruel tortures and were condemned to meet death in the most barbarous forms, notwithstanding their perfect innocence, and their persevering and solemn denial of the horrid crimes laid to their charge. The imperial edicts were so positive and express against inflicting punishment upon such of the Christians as were guilty of no crime, that the corrupt judges, who, through motives of interest or popularity, desired their destruction, were obliged to suborn false accusers to charge them with actions that might bring them within the reach of the laws. Hence

*Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xiii. p. 126. It is proper to be observed, that the word crime, in several former edicts, had not been sufficiently determined in its signification; so that we find the enemies of the Christians, and even the Roman magistrates, applying this term to the profession of Christianity. But the equitable edict of this good emperor decided that point on the side of humanity and justice, as appears from the letter he addressed to the province of Asia, in favour of the persecuted Christians, and which concludes with the following words: "If any one, for the future, shall molest the Christians, and accuse them merely on account of their religion, let the person thus accused be discharged, though he is found to be a Christian, and the accuser be punished according to the rigour of the law."

See Melito ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xxvi.

p. 147.

many fell victims to cruel superstition and popular fury, seconded by the corruption of a wicked magistracy, and the connivance of a prince, who, with respect to one set of men, forgot those principles of justice and clemency which directed his conduct toward all others. Among these victims, there were many men of illustrious piety, and some of eminent learning and abilities, such as the holy and venerable Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, and Justin Martyr, so deservedly renowned for his erudition and philosophy.* Many churches, particularly those of Lyons and Vienne, were almost entirely destroyed, during this violent persecution, which raged in the year 177, and will be an indelible stain upon the memory of the prince by whose order it was carried on.†

VII. During the reign of Commodus, the Christians suffered very little; no general persecution raged against them; and any cruelties which they endured were confined to a small number, who had newly abandoned the Pagan superstitions. But the scene changed toward the latter end of this century, when Severus was declared emperor. Then Egypt and other provinces were dyed with the blood of martyrs, as appears from the testimonies of Tertullian, Clemens of Alexandria, and other writers. Those, therefore, are not to be followed, who affirm, that the Christians suffered nothing under Severus, before the beginning of the third century, which was distinguished by the cruel edicts of this emperor against their lives and fortunes; for, as the imperial laws against the Christians were not abrogated, and the iniquitous edicts of Trajan and Marcus Antoninus were still in force, there was a door, in consequence, open to the fury and injustice of corrupt magistrates, as often as they were pleased to exercise them upon the church. It was this series of calamities, under which it groaned toward the conclusion of the second century, which engaged Tertullian to write his Apology, and several other books, in defence of the Christians.

VIII. It is very easy to account for the sufferings and calamities with which the disciples of Jesus were loaded, when we consider how they were blackened and rendered odious by the railings, the calumnies, and libels of the Heathen priests, and the other defenders of a corrupt and most abominable system of superstition. The injurious imputations, the horrid charges, of which we took notice above, are mentioned by all those who have written in defence of the Christians, and ought indeed, to stand always upon record, as proofs both of the weakness and wickedness of their adversaries Nothing can be more frivolous and insignificant than the objections with which the most famous defenders of Paganism assailed Christianity at this time; and such as desire a convincing proof of this assertion, have only

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Celsus was a trifling caviller, as is manifest from the answer of Origen; nor do his writings against Christianity serve any other purpose, than to show his malignant and illiberal turn of mind.

Fronto, the rhetorician, and Crescens, the Cynic philosopher, made also some wretched attempts against Christianity The efforts of the former are only known by the mention that is made of them by Minutius Felix;* and the enterprises of the latter were confined to a vehement zeal for the ruin of the Christians, and a virulent persecution of Justin Martyr, which ended in the cruel death of that eminent saint.f *Octavius, p. 266, edit. Heraldi.

Justin Mart. Apologia secunda, p. 21.-Tatian, Orat. contra Græcos.

PART II.

THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

CHAPTER I.

Concerning the state of Letters and Philosophy acquisitions, to be useful to their country. But

during this Century.

in rendering them fit, by their talents and their the instruction acquired in these schools was more specious than solid; and the youth who received their education in them, distinguished themselves, at their entrance upon the active stage of life, more by empty declamation, than by true eloquence; more by pompous erudition, than by wisdom and dexterity in the management of public affairs. The consequence of this was, that the rhetoricians and sophists, though agreeable to the corrupt taste of the time, which was incapable, generally speaking, of perceiving the native charms of truth, yet fell into contempt among the prudent and the

I. UNDER the reign of Trajan, letters and philosophy came forth from the retreat where they had languished during the savage tyranny of his predecessors, and, by the auspicious protection of that excellent prince, were in some measure restored to their former lustre.* This happy revolution in the republic of letters, was indeed of a short duration, as it was not supported by the following emperors, who were, for the most part, averse to literary pursuits. Even Marcus Antoninus, who surpassed them all in learning, gave protection and encourage-wise, who held in derision the knowledge and ment to the Stoics alone, and, after the exam- education acquired in their auditories. Beside ple of that supercilious sect, treated the arts the schools now mentioned, there were two and sciences with indifference and contempt.† public academies in the empire; one at Rome, And here we see the true reason why the wri- founded by Adrian, in which all the sciences ters of this century are, in general, so much were taught; and the other at Berytus in Phoinferior to those of the former in point of ele-nicia, which was principally destined for the gance and purity, eloquence and taste.

II. It must be observed, at the same time, that this degeneracy of erudition and taste did not amount to an utter extinction of the one and the other; for, even in this century, there|| were, both among the Greeks and Romans, men of eminent genius and abilities, who set off, in the most advantageous manner, the learning of the times in which they lived. Among the learned Grecians, the first place is due to Plutarch, a man of vast erudition, whose knowledge was various, but indigested, and whose philosophical taste was corrupted by the sceptical tenets of the academics. There were, likewise, in all the more considerable cities of the Roman empire, rhetoricians, sophists, and grammarians, who, by a variety of learned exercises, seemed zealous in forming the youth to their arts of eloquence and declamation, and

*Plin. epist. lib. iii. ep. 18.

+ In the first book of his Meditations, sect. 7, 17.

Two,

education of youth in the science of law.*
III. Many philosophers of all the different
sects flourished at this time, whose names we
do not think it necessary to mention.
however, there were, of such remarkable and
shining merit, as rendered them real orna-
ments to the Stoic philosophy; which the me-
ditations of Marcus Antoninus and the manual
of Epictetus abundantly testify. These two
great men had more admirers than disciples
and followers; for, in this century, the Stoical
sect was not in the highest esteem, as the rigour
and austerity of its doctrine were by no means
suited to the dissolute manners of the times.
The Platonic schools were more frequented for
several reasons, and particularly for these two,

See the Meditations of Marcus Antoninus, book i. sect. 7, 10.

Justin Mart. Dialog. cum Tryphone, op. p. 218, &c. We find also many of these philosophers mentioned in the meditations of Marcus Antoninus.

that their moral precepts were less rigorous and severe than those of the Stoics, and their doctrines more conformable to, or rather less incompatible with, the common opinions concerning the gods. But, of all the philosophers, the Epicureans enjoyed the greatest reputation, and had undoubtedly the greatest number of followers, because their opinions tended to encourage the indolent security of a voluptuous and effeminate life, and to banish the remorse and terrors that haunt vice, and naturally incommode the wicked in their sensual pursuits.*

IV. Toward the conclusion of this century, a new sect of philosophers suddenly arose, spread with amazing rapidity through the greatest part of the Roman empire, swallowed up almost all other sects, and proved extremely detrimental to the cause of Christianity. Alexandria in Egypt, which had been, for a long time, the seat of learning, and, as it were, the centre of all the liberal arts and sciences, gave birth to this new philosophy. Its votaries chose to be called Platonists, though, far from adhering to all the tenets of Plato, they collected from the different sects such doctrines as they thought conformable to truth, and formed thereof one general system. The reason, then, why they distinguished themselves by the title of Platonists, was, that they thought the sentiments of Plato, concerning that most noble part of philosophy, which has the Deity and things invisible for its objects, much more rational and sublime than those of the other phi losophers.

which the Christians had at Alexandria. These sages were of opinion, that true philosophy, the greatest and most salutary gift of God to mortals, was scattered in various portions through all the different sects; and that it was, consequently, the duty of every wise man, and more especially of every Christian doctor, to gather it from the several corners where it lay dispersed, and to employ it, thus re-united, in the defence of religion, and in destroying the dominion of impiety and vice. The Christian Eclectics had this also in common with the others, that they preferred Plato to the other philosophers, and looked upon his opinions concerning God, the human soul, and things invisible, as conformable to the spirit and genius of the Christian doctrine.

VII. This philosophical system underwent some changes, when Ammonius Saccas, who taught, with the highest applause, in the Alexandrian school about the conclusion of this century, laid the foundations of that sect which was distinguished by the name of the New Platonists. This learned man was born of Christian parents, and never, perhaps, gave up entirely the outward profession of that divine religion in which he had been educated.* As his genius was vast and comprehensive, so were his projects bold and singular. For he in the church to the rank of presbyters, they would not abandon the philosophers' cloak. See Origen, Epist. ad. Eusebium, tom. i. op. edit. de la Rue.

Porphyry, in his third book against the Christians,

maintains, that Ammonius deserted the Christian religion and went over to Paganism as soon as he came to that time of life when the mind is capable of making a wise and V. What gave to this new philosophy a su-judicious choice. Eusebius, on the other hand, denies perior air of reason and dignity, was, the un- constantly in the profession of Christianity; and he is this assertion; maintaining, that Ammonius persevered prejudiced spirit of candour and impartiality on followed in this opinion by Valesius, Bayle, Basnage, and which it seemed to be founded. This recom- others. The learned Fabricius is of opinion, that Eusemended it particularly to those real sages, monias, one of whom was a Christian writer, and the bius confounded two persons who bore the name of Amwhose inquiries were accompanied with wis other a heathen philosopher. See Fabric. Biblioth. dom and moderation, and who were sick of Græca, lib. v. cap. xxvi. The truth of the matter those arrogant and contentious sects, which reseems to have been, that Ammonius Saccas was a Chrisquired an invariable attachment to their parti- the pagan philosophy, as to appear a Christian to the tian, who adopted with such dexterity the doctrines of cular systems. And, indeed, nothing could Christians, and a Pagan to the Pagans. See Brucker's have a more engaging aspect than a set of men, Historia Critica Philosophiae, vol. ii. and iii. Since the who, abandoning all cavil, and all prejudices Lardner has maintained, not without a certain degree of first edition of this work appeared, the learned Dr. in favour of any party, professed searching after asperity, which is unusual in his valuable writings, the the truth alone, and were ready to adopt, from opinion of Fabricius, against Eusebius, and particularly See his Collection of Heathen all the different systems and sects, such tenets against Dr. Mosheim. Dr. Mosheim was as they thought agreeable to it. Hence also and Jewish Testimonies, vol. iii. once of the same opinion with Fabricius, and he mainthey were called Eclectics. It is, however, to tained it in a Dissertation, de ecclesia turbata per rebe observed, as we hinted in the former section, centiores Platonicos; but he afterwards saw reason to that though these philosophers were attached change his mind. His reasons may be seen in his book, de rebus Christianorum, ante Const. Mag. p. 281, &c. to no particular sect, yet they preferred, as ap- They indeed weigh little with Dr. Lardner, who, howpears from a variety of testimonies, the sub-ever, opposes nothing to them but mere assertions, unlime Plato to all other sages, and approved most of his opinions concerning the Deity, the universe, and the human soul.

supported by the smallest glimpse of evidence. For the letter of Origen, which he quotes from Eusebius, is so far from proving that Ammonius was merely a Heathen philosopher, and not a Christian, that it would not be VI. This new species of Platonism was enr sufficient to demonstrate that there was ever such a perbraced by such of the Alexandrian Christians son as Ammonius in the world, since he is not so much as as were desirous of retaining, with the pro-it is Ammonius whom Origen has in view, when he talks named in that letter. But allowing with Valesius that fession of the Gospel, the title, the dignity, and of the philosophical master from whom he and Hercules the habit of philosophers. It is also said to received instruction, it seems very whimsical to conclude have had the particular approbation of Athe- from this circumstance, that Ammonius was no Christian. The coalition between Platonism and Christianity, in the nagoras, Pantænus, Clemens the Alexandrian, second and third centuries, is a fact too fully proved to and of all those who, in this century, were be rendered dubious by mere affirmations. The notion, charged with the care of the public school therefore, of two persons bearing the name of Ammonius, the one a Heathen philosopher, and the other a Christian writer, of which Dr. Lardner seems so fond, rests upon little more than an hypothesis formed to remove an imaginary difficulty.

* Lucian's Pseudomant. p. 763. tom. i. op.

The title and dignity of philosophers delighted so much these honest men, that though they were advanced VOL. I.-8

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attempted a general reconciliation or coalition of all sects, whether philosophical or religious, and taught a doctrine which he looked upon as proper, to unite them all, the Christians not excepted, in the most perfect harmony. And herein lies the difference between this new sect and the Eclectics, who had, before this time, flourished in Egypt. The Eclectics held, that, in every sect, there was a mixture of good and Bad, of truth and falsehood; and, accordingly, they chose and adopted, out of each of them, such tenets as seemed to them conformable to reason and truth, and rejected such as they thought repugnant to both. Ammonius, on the contrary, maintained, that the great principles of all philosophical and religious truth were to be found equally in all sects; that they differed from each other only in their method of expressing them, and in some opinions of little or no importance; and that, by a proper interpretation of their respective sentiments, they might easily be united into one body. It is farther to be observed, that the propensity of Ammonius to singularity and paradox, led him to maintain, that all the Gentile religions, and even the Christian, were to be illustrated and explained by the principles of this universal philosophy; but that, in order to this, the fables of the priests were to be removed from Paganism, and the comments and interpretations of the disciples of Jesus from Christianity.

in the different parts of the universe as the ministers of his providence, were, by the suggestions of superstition, converted into gods, and worshipped with a multiplicity of vain ceremonies. He therefore insisted, that the religions of all nations should be restored to their original purity, and reduced to their primitive standard, viz. "The ancient philosophy of the east;" and he affirmed, that this his project was agreeable to the intentions of Jesus Christ, whose sole view, in descending upon earth, was, to set bounds to the reigning superstition, and to remove the errors that had crept into all religions, but not to abolish the ancient theology from which they were derived.

IX. Taking these principles for granted, Ammonius adopted the doctrines which were received in Egypt, the place of his birth and education, concerning the universe and the Deity, considered as constituting one great whole; as also concerning the eternity of the world, the nature of souls, the empire of Providence, and the government of this world by demons. For it seems evident, that the Egyptian philosophy, which was said to be derived from Hermes, was the basis of that of Ammonius; or, as it is otherwise called, of modern Platonism; and the book of Jamblichus, concerning the mysteries of the Egyptians, puts the matter beyond dispute. Ammonius, therefore, associated the sentiments of the Egyp tians with the doctrines of Plato, which was easily done by adulterating some of the opinions of the latter, and forcing his expressions from their obvious and natural sense; and, to finish this conciliatory scheme, he so interpreted the doctrines of the other philosophical and religious sects, by the violent succours of art, invention, and allegory, that they seemed, at length, to bear some resemblance to the Egyptian and Platonic systems.

VIII. This arduous design, which Ammonius had formed, of bringing about a coalition of all the philosophical sects, and all the systems of religion that prevailed in the world, required many difficult and disagreeable things 'n order to its execution. Every particular sect or religion must have several of its doctrines curtailed or distorted, before it could enter into the general mass. The tenets of the philosophers, the superstitions of the Heathen X. To this monstrous coalition of heterogepriests, the solemn doctrines of Christianity, neous doctrines, its fanatical author added a were all to suffer in this cause, and forced al-rule of life and manners, which carried an aslegories were to be employed with subtilty in removing the difficulties with which it was attended. How this vast project was effected by Ammonius, the writings of his disciples and followers, that yet remain, abundantly testify. In order to the accomplishment of his purpose, he supposed, that true philosophy derived its origin and its consistence from the eastern nations; that it was taught to the Egyptians by Hermes; that it was brought from them to the Greeks, by whose vain subtilties, and litigious disputes, it was rendered somewhat obscure and deformed; but was however, preserved in its original purity by Plato, who was the best interpreter of Hermes, and of the other oriental sages. He maintained, that all the different religions which prevailed in the world, were, in their original integrity, conformable to the genius of this ancient philosophy; but that it unfortunately happened, that the symbols and fictions, under which, according to the eastern manner, the ancients delivered their precepts and their doctrines, were, in process of time, erroneously understood both by priests and people in a literal sense; that, in consequence of this, the invisible beings and demons, whom the Supreme Deity had placed

pect of high sanctity and uncommon austerity. He, indeed, permitted the people to live according to the laws of their country, and the dictates of nature; but a more sublime rule was laid down for the wise. They were to raise, above all terrestrial things, by the towering efforts of holy contemplation, those souls whose origin was celestial and divine. They were ordered to extenuate, by hunger, thirst, and other mortifications, the sluggish body, which confines the activity, and restrains the liberty of the immortal spirit; that thus, in this life, they might enjoy communion with the Supreme Being, and ascend after death, active and unencumbered, to the universal Parent, to live in his presence for ever. As Ammonius was born and educated among the Christians, he embellished these injunctions, and even gave them an air of authority, by expressing their partly in terms borrowed from the sacred scriptures, of which we find a vast number of citations also in the writings of his disciples. To this austere discipline, he added the pretended art of so purging and refining that faculty of the mind which receives the images of things, as to render it capable of perceiving the demons, and of performing many marvellous

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