as an impartial state of the case; at least, it || the precise period when the Paulicians began appears from many circumstances, that, if the to take refuge in Europe; it is, however, certain, Manichæans were exasperated against the from the most authentic testimonies, that a Greeks, their resentment was in some mea- considerable number of that sect were, about sure justified by the violent and injurious treat- the middle of this century, settled in Lombardy, ment which they had received from them. Insubria, and principally at Milan, and that The Grecian pontiffs and clergy were far from many of them led a wandering life in France, being destitute of the odious spirit of persecu- Germany, and other countries, where they tion; and it is certain that the emperors, insti- captivated the esteem and admiration of the gated by them, had exhausted the patience of multitude, by their sanctimonious looks, and the Paulicians by repeated vexations and cru- the uncommon air of piety, which they put on elties, and alienated their affections by inflict-with much affectation. In Italy they were ing upon them, without interruption, a variety of punishments, such as banishment, confiscation of goods, and other marks of severity and violence. because they came from Bulgaria, and because the head of their sect resided in that country; as also Publicans, which was probably a corrupt pronunciation of Paulicians, and boni homines or good men,' with several other titles and epithets. called Paterini and Cathari, or rather Gazari, which latter appellation the Germans have preserved, with a small alteration only, which was proper to adapt it to the genius of their Alexius Comnenus, who, by his learning, language.* In France they were called Albiwas an ornament to the imperial sceptre, per-genses from the town of Albi, and Bulgarians ceiving that the Manichæans were not to be vanquished, without the greatest difficulty, by the force of arms, and observing also that their numbers increased from day to day both in Thrace and in the adjacent provinces, had recourse to the power of reason and argument to conquer their obstinacy, and spent whole declares it as his opinion, that the Paulicians joined days at Philippopolis, in disputing with the themselves to the Gallic armies that returned from principal doctors of that pernicious sect. Many the holy war by the province of Bulgaria, and were of them yielded to the victorious arguments thus conducted into France. But that learned auof this royal disputant, and his learned associ-thor alleges no proof to support this opinion: it apates; nor is this to be wondered at, since their pears on the contrary, from the records of the Inquisition of Toulouse, published by Limborch, and from demonstrations were accompanied and enforced other authentic pieces, that the Paulicians settled by rewards and punishments. Such of the first in Sicily, Lombardy, Liguria, and the Milanese, Manichæans as retracted their errors, and reand thence sent many doctors and missionaries into France. See the Codex Tolosanus, passim. We turned to the bosom of the Greek church, were learn also from the Code of Toulouse, that the loaded with gifts, honours, and privileges, acFrench Paulicians, who were called Albigenses, had no bishop to consecrate their Anciani (such was the cording to their respective stations, while such title they gave to their presbyters,) so that such of as stood firm against the reasoning of the emthem as were desirous of being placed in the order peror, were inhumanly condemned to per- of presbyters, were obliged to repair to Italy, in petual imprisonment.* order to their being regularly installed. with Gazarus, as I have elsewhere demonstrated. *The title of Paterini, which was given to this II. Many of the Paulicians, either from a sect in Italy, has been already explained in the principle of zeal for the propagation of their second chapter of the second part of this century, opinions, or from a desire of relieving them-sect. 13, note [f]. As to the term Catharus, it was unselves from the persecution and oppression doubtedly, when applied to the Paulicians, the same they suffered under the Grecian yoke, retired See Histor. Ord. Apostol. p. 367. The country which from Bulgaria and Thrace, and formed settle-bore, in this century, the name of Gazaria, was what ments in other countries. Their first migra- we now call the Minor Tartary. tion was into Italy; whence, in process of time, France, and were a sect entirely distinct from the That the Paulicians were called Albigenses in they sent colonies into almost all the other Waldenses and other heretics, appears evidently provinces of Europe, and formed gradually a from the Codex Inquisitionis Tolosanæ. They reconsiderable number of religious assemblies, ceived this name from a town in Aquitaine, called who adhered to their doctrine, and were after-in a council which met in 1176. See Chatel's MeAlbigia, or Albi, where their errors were condemned wards persecuted with the utmost vehemencemoires de l'Histoire de Languedoc, p. 305. It is, by the Roman pontiffs. It is difficult to fix therefore, a mistake to consider the Albigenses as a sect so called from Albi's being the place of their *There is an ample and circumstantial account of birth, their residence, or the seat of their principal asthis controversy between the emperor and the Mani-sembly, since that name was given them for no chæans in the work mentioned in the preceding other reason than their having been condemned in note, lib. xiv. p. 357. a council holden in that town. There were, indeed, several Paulicians among the various sects of dissenters from the church of Rome, that inhabited the country about Albi; and it is also true, that the title of Albigenses is usually extended to all the heretics, of whatever sect or denomination they were, who dwelt in those parts. The learned Du Fresne, in his Glossarium Latin, medii Evi, tom. i. p. 1338, has proved, in an ample manner, that the Paulicians were called in France Bulgares, and (by a corrupt pronunciation of that † See Muratori, Antiquitat. Ital. medii Ævi, tom. v. p. 83.-Limborch, Historia Inquisitionis, p. 31.Riccinii Dissertatio de Catharis, prefixed to the Summa B. Monetæ contra Catharos. We might also refer, upon this occasion, to Glab. Rodulph. Histor. Jib. iii. cap. viii. to Matth. Paris, and other ancient writers. Certain Italian authors, and among others Riccini, seemed unwilling to acknowledge that the Paulicians arrived first in Italy, and proceeded thence into the other provinces of Europe; and maintain, on the contrary, that their first settle-word) Bougres. The same author, in his Observament was in France, whence they repaired to Italy. These writers look upon it as ignominious to their country, to be considered as the first European nation which fostered such a pernicious and impious sect in its bosom. Be that as it may, their hypothesis is favoured by Peter de Marca himself, a Frenchman, who in his Histoire de Bearn, livr. viii. cap. xiv. tiones ad Villeharduini Historiam Constantinopolit., has fully demonstrated, that the names Popolicani and Publicani, that were imposed upon these Manichæans, were no more than a corruption of the term Pauliciani, ill pronounced. The appellation of Boni Homines, or Los bos Homos, as the southern French spoke at that time, was a title which the Paulicians III. The first religious assembly which the Paulicians formed in Europe, is said to have been discovered at Orleans, in 1017, under the reign of Robert. A certain Italian lady is said to have been at the head of this sect; its principal members were twelve canons of the cathedral of Orleans, men eminently distinguished by their piety and learning, among whom Lisoius and Stephen held the first rank; and it was composed, in general, of a considerable number of citizens, who were far from being of the meanest condition. The impious doctrines, professed by these canons, were discovered by a certain priest named Heribert, and by Arifas tus, a Norman nobleman; upon which Robert assembled a council at Orleans, and employed the most effectual methods that he could devise to bring these heretics to a better mind. But all his endeavours were to no purpose; this pernicious sect adhered obstinately to its principles; and its members were at length condemned to be burned alive.* It is difficult to come to a fixed determination with respect to the character and doctrine of these sectaries; for, when we examine matters attentively, we find that even their enemies acknowledged the sincerity of their piety, that they were blackened by accusations which were evidently false, and that the opinions for which they were punished differ widely from the Manichæan system. As far as we can see into the case, it appears to us, that these pretended Manichæans of Orleans were a set of Mystics, who looked with contempt upon all external worship, rejected all rites and ceremonies, and even the Christian sacraments, as destitute of any, even the least spiritual efficacy or virtue; placed the whole of religion in the internal contemplation of God, and the elevation of the soul to divine and celestial things; and, in their philosophical speculations concerning God, the Trinity, and the human soul, soared above the comprehension of the age in which they lived. A like set of men proceeded in vast numbers out of Italy in the following ages, spread like an inundation through all the European provinces, and were known in Germany under the name of the Brethren of the free Spirit, while they were distinguished in other countries by the appellation of Beghards. attributed to themselves. See the Codex Inquisit. Tolosanæ. *The accounts that the ancient writers have given of these heretics are collected by Boulay, in his Hist. Acad. Paris. tom. i. p. 364.-D'Argentre, Collectio Judicior. de novis Erroribus, tom. i. p. 5.-Jo. Launoy, de Scholis celebrioribus Caroli Magni, cap. xxiv. p. 90.-The history of the synod of Orleans, in which this sect was condemned, is given by D'Acheri, in his Spicileg. Veter. Scriptor. tom. i. p. 604. Basnage, in his Histoire des Eglises Reformees, tom. i. period iv. p. 97, and in his Hist. de l'Eglise, tom. ii. p. 1388, pleads the cause of the canons of Or. leans; but this learned and worthy man seems to have been carried too far by his zeal for augmenting the number of those who have been martyrs to the truth. We shall have occasion to give a more copious account of these fanatics in the history of the thirteenth century, in which they were first drawn from their obscurity, and condemned by many councils, especially in Germany. It is, however, certain, that they had a clandestine existence long before that period, and that they propagated their tenets secretly in several places. Their doctrine resembles, in some particulars, that of the Manichæans, and IV. We find in history another branch of this numerous sect, whose errors were not accompanied with the crimes that were laid to the charge of their brethren, and who were converted by a pathetic discourse that was addressed to them by Gerard, bishop of Cambray and Arras, in an assembly of the clergy, holden in the latter city, in 1030. These honest Mystics, who were equally remarkable for their docility and their ignorance, had received the doctrine they professed from the Italians, and particularly from a certain eccentric doctor, whose name was Gundulf. They maintained, in general, according to their own confession, that the whole of religion consisted in the study of practical piety, and in a course of action conformable to the divine laws; and they treated all external modes of worship with the utmost contempt. Their particular tenets may be reduced to the following heads: 1. They rejected baptism, and, in a more especial manner, the baptism of infants, as a cereniony that was in no respect essential to salvation: 2. They rejected, for the same reason, the sacrament of the Lord's supper: 3. They denied, that the churches were endowed with a greater degree of sanctity than private houses, or that they were more adapted to the worship of God than any other place: 4. They affirmed, that the altars were to be considered in no other light than as heaps of stones, and were therefore unworthy of any marks of veneration or regard: 5. They disapproved the use of incense and consecrated oil in services of a religious nature: 6. They looked upon the use of bells in the churches, as an intolerable superstition: 7. They denied, that the establishment of bishops, presbyters, deacons, and other ecclesiastical dignities, was of divine institution, and went so far as to maintain that the appointment of stated ministers in the church was entirely unnecessary: 8. They affirmed, that the institution of funeral rites was an effect of sacerdotal avarice, and that it was a matter of indifference whether the dead were buried in the churches, or in the fields: 9. They looked upon the voluntary punishment, called penance, so generally practised in this century, as unprofitable and absurd: 10. They denied that the sins of departed spirits could be, in any measure, atoned for by the celebration of masses, the distribution of alms to the poor, or a vicarious penance;* and they conse quently treated the doctrine of purgatory as a ridiculous fable: 11. They considered marriage as a pernicious institution, and absurdly condemned, without distinction, all connubial bonds:† 12. They looked upon a certain sort of veneration and worship as due to the apos tles and martyrs, from which, however, they excluded such as were only confessors, in hence it was natural for the ignorant divines of the age in which they lived, to consider them as a branch of that pernicious sect. By a vicarious penance is understood the course of mortification and voluntary suffering, that one person undergoes in order to procure absolution for another. This eleventh article is scarcely credible, at least as it is here expressed. It is more reasonable to suppose, that these Mystics did not absolutely con demn marriage, but only held celibacy in higher es teem, as a mark of superior sanctity and virtue. which class they comprehended the saints, who || were not the expression harsh and contrary to had not suffered death for the cause of Christ, the phraseology generally received. He was, and whose bodies, in their esteem, had nothing|| however, obliged to retract this error in a more sacred than any other human carcase: 13. They declared the use of instrumental music in the churches, and other religious assemblies, superstitious and unlawful: 14. They denied, that the cross on which Christ suffered was in any respect more sacred than other kinds of wood, and, in consequence, refused to pay to it the smallest degree of religious worship: 15. They not only refused all acts of adoration to the images of Christ, and of the saints, but were also for having them removed out of the churches: 16. They were shocked at the subordination and distinctions that were established among the clergy, and at the different degrees of authority conferred upon the different members of that sacred body.* When we consider the corrupt state of religion in this century, and particularly the su-|| perstitious notions that were generally adopted in relation to outward ceremonies, the efficacy of penance and the sanctity of churches, relics, and images, it will not appear surprising, that many persons of good sense and solid piety, running from one extreme to another, fell into the opinions of these Mystics, in which, among several absurdities, there were many things plausible and specious, and some highly rational. council assembled at Soissons, in 1092; but he Nominalists, of whom Roscellinus was the chief, he V. A controversy, of a much more subtile and difficult nature, arose in France, about the year 1089. It had for its principal author Roscellinus, a canon of Compeigne, a profound dialectician, and the most eminent doctor of the sect called Nominalists. He deemed it inconceivable and impossible that the Son of God should assume the human nature alone, i. e. without the Father and the Holy Ghost becoming incarnate also, unless by the three persons in the godhead were meant three distinct objects, or natures existing separately (such as three angels, or three distinct spirits,) though endowed with one will, and acting by When it was insinuated to RosAs to the merits of the cause, it appears manifest cellinus, that this manner of reasoning led to me, that this subtle dispute was a consequence of directly to Tritheism, or the doctrine of three the warm controversy that subsisted in this century, between the Realists and the Nominalists. The gods, he answered boldly, that the existence former attacked the latter by the dangerous concluof three gods might be asserted with truth,sions that seemed deducible from their principles, one power. * See an account of the synod of Arras in the Spicilegium Scriptor. Veter. tom. i. p. 607-624; also Car. Plessis D'Argentre, Collectio Judiciorum de Novis Erroribus, tom. i. Such is the account given by John, the accuser of this metaphysical ecclesiastic, in a letter to Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, published by Baluzius, in his Miscellanea, tom. iv. The same account is confirmed by Anselm himself, in the book de fide Trinitatis, which he wrote against Roscellinus: see Oper. tom. i. p. 41, 43, and lib. ii. Epistolar. ep. xxxv. p. 335, tom. ii. op.-and also by Fulco, bishop of Beauvais, as may be seen in the second book of the Epistles of Anselm, ep. xli. lib. ii. tom. ii. op. p. 357. It must, however, be considered, that the learned men now mentioned were the inveterate enemies of Roscellinus, and that they perhaps comprehended his meaning imperfectly, or perverted it wilfully. Several circumstances prove, that some of his adversaries were in one or the other of these two cases. Anselm himself furnishes sufficient grounds for this suspicion, since, notwithstanding his aversion to the and reasoned thus: "If, as your doctrine supposes, "universal substances are no more than mere "sounds or denominations, and the whole science of "logic is only conversant about words, it must of "necessity follow, that the three persons in the "Godhead are only three names, and not three reali"ties or things.""We deny the conclusion," replied Roscellinus; "the Father, Son, and Holy "Ghost, are not placed by us in the rank of denomi"nations, but in the class of realities, or things." The subtile doctor here, as all must more or less do after him, by avoiding Scylla fell into Charybdis, and was charged by his adversaries with the introduction of tritheism, by holding an opinion that supposed the existence of three divine substances. Were any of the writings of Roscellinus now extant, they would help us to form a more just notion of this controversy than we can have at present. * Boulay, tom. i. p. 485.-Mabillon, Annal. tom. v. p. 262.-Histoire Literaire de la France, tom. ix. p. 358.-Anton. Pagi, Critica in Baronium ad Annum 1094, tom. iv. p. 317.-Longueval, Hist. de l'Eglise Gallicane, tom. viii. p. 59. V THE TWELFTH CENTURY. PART I. THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. Concerning the Prosperous Events that happened to the Church during this Century. work was brought to perfection by Absalom, archbishop of Lunden, a man of superior genius, and of a most excellent character in every respect, whose eminent merit raised him to the summit of power, and engaged Waldemar to place him at the head of affairs.* dals, and others, who, either by their incurof his victorious arm. sions or by revolt, drew upon them the weight He unsheathed his sword, not only for the defence and happiness A CONSIDERABLE part of Europe lay yet in- of his people, but also for the propagation and volved in pagan darkness, which reigned more advancement of Christianity; and wherever especially in the northern provinces. It was, his arms were successful, he pulled down the therefore, in these regions of gloomy supersti- temples and images of the gods, destroyed their tion, that the zeal of the missionaries was prin- altars, laid waste their sacred groves, and subcipally exerted in this century; though their stituted in their place the Christian worship, efforts were not all equally successful, nor the which deserved to be propagated by better methods they employed for the propagation of means than the sword, by the authority of reathe Gospel equally prudent. Boleslaus, duke son, rather than by the despotic voice of of Poland, having conquered the Pomeranians, power. The island of Rugen, which lies in offered them peace, upon condition that they the neighbourhood of Pomerania, submitted to would receive the Christian teachers, and per- the victorious arms of Waldemar, A. D. 1168; mit them to exercise their ministry in that van- and its fierce and savage inhabitants, who quished province. This condition was accept- were, in reality, no more than a band of robed; and Otho, bishop of Bamberg, a man of bers and pirates, were obliged, by that prince, eminent piety and zeal, was sent, in the year to hear the instructions of the pious and learn1124, to inculcate and explain the doctrines of ed doctors that followed his army, and to reChristianity, among that superstitious and bar-ceive the Christian worship. This salutary barous people. Many were converted to the faith by his ministry, while great numbers stood firm against his most vigorous efforts, and persisted, with an invincible obstinacy, in the religion of their idolatrous ancestors.Nor was this the only mortification which that illustrious prelate received, in the execution of his pious enterprise; for, upon his return into Germany, many of those whom he had engag-gated among the inhabitants of the isle of Rued in the profession of Christianity, apostatised gen. They were also a fierce and savage peoin his absence, and relapsed into their ancient ple, who lived by plunder, and infested Sweprejudices: this obliged Otho to undertake a den in a terrible manner by their perpetual second voyage into Pomerania, A. D. 1126, incursions, until, after many bloody battles, in which, after much opposition and difficulty, they were totally defeated by Eric IX. styled his labours were crowned with a happier issue, after his death the Saint, and reduced under and contributed much to enlarge the bounds of the Swedish yoke. Historians differ about the the rising church, and to establish it upon so- precise time when this conquest was completlid foundations.* From this period, the Chris-ed; but they are all unanimous in their actian religion seemed daily to acquire new degrees of stability among the Pomeranians, who || had hitherto refused to permit the settlement of a bishop among them. They now received Adalbert, or Albert, in that character, who was accordingly the first bishop of Pomerania. II. Of all the northern princes of this cenBeside the historians here mentioned by Dr. tury, none appeared with a more distinguished Mosheim, we refer the curious reader to an excellent lustre than Waldemar I. king of Denmark, history of Denmark, written in French, by M. Mal who acquired an immortal name by the glori-let, professor at Copenhagen. In the first volume of ous battles he fought against the pagan nathis history, the ingenius and learned author has given a very interesting account of the progress of tions, such as the Sclavonians, Venedi, Van-Christianity in the northern parts of Europe, and a III. The Finlanders received the Gospel in the same manner in which it had been propa counts of its effects. The Finlanders were commanded to embrace the religion of the conqueror, which the greatest part of them did, * Saxo-Grammaticus, Histor. Danic. lib. xiv. p. 239.-Helmoldus, Chron. Sclavorum, lib. ii. cap. xii. p. 234, and Henr. Bangertus, ad h. 1.—Pontoppidani Annales Ecclesiæ Danica, tom. i. p. 404. particular relation of the exploits of Absalom, who was, at the same time, archbishop, general, admiral, and prime minister, and who led the victorious Danes to battle, by sea and land, without neglecting the cure in the propagation of the Gospel abroad, and its maintenance and support at home. * See Henr. Canisii Lectiones Antiquæ, tom. iii. part ii. p. 34, where we find the life of Otho, who, A. D. 1189, was canonised by Clement III. See the Acta Sanctor. Mensis Julii, tom. i. p. 349. Dan. Crame-of souls, or in the least diminishing his pious labours ri Chronicon Eccles. Pomeraniæ, lib. i. as also a learned Dissertation concerning the conversion of the Pomeranians by the ministry of Otho, written in the German language, by Christopher Schotgen, and published at Stargard, in the year 1724. Add to these Mabillon, Annal. Benedict. tom. vi. p. 123, 146, 323. VOL. I.-38 † Most writers, with Baronius, place this event in the year 1151. Different, however, from this is the chronology of Vastovius and Oernhielmius, the former placing it in 1150, and the latter in 1157. though with the utmost reluctance.* The ed, and tormented this wretched people, that founder (and ruler) of this new church was exhausted at length, and unable longer to Henry, archbishop of Upsal, who accompani- stand firm against the arm of persecution, ed the victorious monarch in that bloody cam-strengthened still by new accessions of power, paign. This prelate, whose zeal was not suf- they abandoned the statues of their pagan deificiently tempered with the mild and gentle ties, and substituted in their places the images spirit of the religion he taught, treated the of the saints. But, while they received the new converts with great severity, and was as- blessings of the Gospel, they were deprived sassinated at last, in a cruel manner, on ac- of all earthly comforts; for their lands and count of the heavy penance he imposed upon possessions were taken from them, with the a person of great authority, who had been most odious circumstances of cruelty and vioguilty of homicide. This melancholy event lence, and the knights and bishops divided the procured Henry the honours of saintship and spoil.* martyrdom, which were solemnly conferred upon him by pope Adrian IV.t V. None of the northern nations had a more rooted aversion to the Christians, or a more obstinate antipathy to their religion, than the Sclavonians, a rough and barbarous people. who inhabited the coast of the Baltic sea. This excited the zeal of several neighbouring princes, and of a multitude of pious missiona||ries, who united their efforts, in order to conquer the prejudices of this people, and to open their eyes upon the light of the Gospel. Henry, duke of Saxony, surnamed the Lion, distinguished himself in a particular manner, by the ardour which he discovered in the execution of this pious design, as well as by the wise methods he employed to render it successful. Among other measures that were proper for this purpose, he restored from their ruins, and endowed richly, three bishopricst that had been ravaged and destroyed by these barbarians, namely, the bishoprics of Ratzeburg and Schwerin, and that of Oldenburg, which was afterwards transplanted to Lubeck. The most eminent of the Christian doctors, who attempted the conversion of the Sclavonians, was Vicelinus, a native of Hamelen, a man of extraordinary merit, who surpassed almost all his contemporaries in genuine piety and solid learning, and who, after having presided many years in the society of the regular canons of St. Augustin at Falderen, was at length consecrated bishop of Oldenburg.This excellent man employed the last thirty years of his life, amidst numberless vexations, dangers and difficulties, in instructing the Sclavonians, and exhorting them to com IV. The propagation of the Gospel among the Livonians was attended with much difficulty, and also with horrible scenes of cruelty and bloodshed. The first missionary, who attempted the conversion of that savage people, was Mainhard, a regular canon of St. Augustin, in the monastery of Segeberg, who, toward the conclusion of this century, travelled to Livonia, with a company of merchants of Bremen, and improved this opportunity of spreading the light of the Gospel in that barbarous region of superstition and darkness. The instructions and exhortations of this zealous apostle were little attended to, and produced little or no effect upon that uncivilized nation; whereupon he addressed himself to the Roman pontiff, Urban III. who consecrated him bishop of the Livonians, and, at the same time, declared a holy war against that obstinate people. This war, which was at first carried on against the inhabitants of the province of Esthonia, was continued with still greater vigour, and rendered more general, by Berthold, abbot of Lucca, who left his monastery to share the labours and laurels of Mainhard, whom he accordingly succeeded in the see of Livonia. The new bishop marched into that province at the head of a powerful army which he had raised in Saxony, preached the Gospel sword in hand, and proved its truth by blows instead of arguments. Albert, canon of Bremen, became the third bishop of Livonia, and followed, with a barbarous enthusiasm, the same military methods of conversion that had been practised by his predecessor. He entered Livonia, A. D. * See the Origines Livonia, seu Chronicon vetus 1198, with a fresh body of troops drawn out Livonicum, published in folio, at Francfort, in the of Saxony, and, encamping at Riga, instituted year 1740, by Jo. Daniel Gruberus, and enriched with ample and learned observations and notes, in which there, by the direction of pope Innocent III., the laborious author enumerates all the writers of the military order of the knights sword-bear- the Livonian history, and corrects their mistakes. ers,§ who were commissioned to dragoon the Dr. Mosheim's account of this matter is very Livonians into the profession of Christianity, asserts, that it was Hartwick, archbishop of Bredifferent from that which is given by Fleury, who and oblige them by force of arms to receive men, who restored the three ruined sees, and consethe benefits of baptism.|| New legions were crated Vicelinus bishop of Oldenburg; and that, as sent from Germany to second the efforts, and he had done this without addressing himself to Henadd efficacy to the mission of these bootedy, the duke seized the tithes of Vicelinus, until a apostles; and they, in concert with the knights sword-bearers, so cruelly oppressed, slaughter*Oernhielmii Histor. Eccles. Gentis Suecorum, lib. iv. cap. iv. sect. 13.-Jo. Loccenii Histor. Suecica, lib. iii. p. 76, ed. Francof.-Erlandi Vita Erici Sancti, cap. vii.-Vastovii Vitis Aquilonia, p. 65. Vastovii Vitis Aquilon. seu Vitæ Sanctorum Regni Sueogothici, p. 62. Eric. Benzelii Moumenta Ecclesiæ Sueogothica, part i. p. 33. In the year 1186. Equestris Ordo Militum Ensiferorum. See Henr. Leonardi Schurtzfleischii Historia OrJinis Ensiferorum Equitum, Wittenberg. 1701, 8vo. reconciliation was afterwards brought about between the offended prince and the worthy bishop. See Fleu ry, Hist. Eccles. liv. Ixix. p. 665, 668. edit. Bruxelles, Fleury, in this and other parts of his history, shows, that he is but indifferently acquainted with the history of Germany, and has not drawn from the best sources. The authorities which Dr. Mosheim produces for his account of the affair, are the Origines Guelphicæ, tom. iii. p. 16, 19, 34, 55, 61, 63, 72, 82, with the celebrated Preface of Scheidius, sect. xiv. p. 41. Ludewig's Reliquiæ Manuscriptorum, tom. vi. p. 230. Jo. Ern. de Westphalen, Monumenta inedita Rerum Cimbricarum et Megapolens. tom. ii. p. 1998. That is, from the year 1124 to the year 1154, in which he died. |