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CHAPTER II.

Concerning the Calamitous Events that happened

solemnly exhorted and entreated to succour || had much to suffer from the hatred and cruelty and deliver the Christians in Palestine. The of those who remained under the darkness of pope's exhortations, however, were without paganism. The Normans, during a great part effect, except upon the inhabitants of Pisa, who of this century, committed, in several parts of are said to have obeyed the summons with the France, the most barbarous hostilities, and inutmost alacrity, and to have prepared them- volved the Christians, wherever they carried selves immediately for a holy campaign.* their victorious arms, in numberless calamities. The Sarmatians, Sclavonians, Bohemians, and others, who had either conceived an aversion || for the Gospel, or were sunk in a stupid igno rance of its intrinsic excellence and its immortal blessings, not only endeavoured to extirpate Christianity out of their own territories by the most barbarous efforts of cruelty and violence, but infested the adjacent countries, where it was professed, with fire and sword, and left, wherever they went, the most dreadful marks of their unrelenting fury. The Danes, moreover, did not cease to molest the Christians, until they were subdued by Otho the Great, and thus, from being the enemies, became the friends of the Christian cause. The Hungarians also contributed their part to the sufferings of the church, by their incursions into several parts of Germany, which they turned into scenes of desolation and misery; while the fierce Arabs, by their tyranny in Spain, and their depredations in Italy and the neighbouring islands, spread calamity and oppression all around them, of which, no doubt, the Christians established in those parts had the heaviest portion.

to the Church during this Century. I. THE Christian religion suffered less in this century from the cruelty of its enemies, than from the defection of its friends. Of all the pagan monarchs, under whose government the Christians lived, none behaved to them in a hostile manner, or tormented them with the execution of compulsive edicts or penal laws, except Gormon and Swein, kings of Denmark. Notwithstanding this, their affairs were far from being either in a fixed or flourishing state; and their situation was full of uncertainty and peril, both in the eastern and western provinces. The Saracens in Asia and Africa, amidst the intestine divisions under which they groaned, and the calamities that overwhelmed them from different quarters, were extremely assiduous in propagating the doctrines of Mohammed; nor were their efforts unsuccessful. Multitudes of Christians fell into their snares; and the Turks, a valiant and fierce nation, who inhabited the northern coast of the Cas

ness.

III. Whoever considers the endless vexapian sea, received their doctrine. The uni- tions, persecutions, and calamities, which the formity of religion did not, however, produce Christians suffered from the nations that cona solid union of interest between the Turks and tinued in their ancient superstitions, will easily Saracens; on the contrary, their dissensions and quarrels were never more violent than perceive the reason of that fervent and inextinfrom the time that Mohammed became their vered for the conversion of those nations, guishable zeal, which Christian princes discocommon chief in religious matters. The Per- whose impetuous and savage fury they expesians, whose country was a prey to the ambi-rienced from time to time. A principle of selftious usurpations of the latter, implored the aid of the former, by whom succours were granted with the utmost alacrity and readiThe Turks accordingly fell upon the Saracens in a furious manner, drove them out of the whole extent of the Persian territories, and afterwards, with incredible rapidity and success, invaded, seized, and plundered the other provinces that belonged to that people, whose desolation, in reality, came on like a whirlwind. Thus the powerful empire of the Saracens, which its enemies had for so many years attempted in vain to overturn, fell at last by the hands of its allies and friends. The Turks accomplished what the Greeks and Romans ineffectually aimed at; they struck suddenly that dreadful blow, which ruined at once the affairs of the Saracens in Persia, and then deprived them by degrees of their other dominions; and thus the Ottoman empire, which is still an object of terror to the Christians, was established upon the ruins of the Saracen dominion.†

II. In the western provinces, the Christians of the collection of the letters of Sylvester II. pub. lished by Du-Chesne, in the third volume of his Scriptor. Histor. Franc.

*See Muratori, Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. p. 400.

† For a more ample account of these revolutions,

preservation, and a prudent regard to their own safety, as well as a pious zeal for the Propagation of the Gospel, engaged them to put in practice every method that might open the eyes of their barbarous adversaries, from a rational and well-grounded hope that the precepts of Christianity would mitigate, by degrees, the ferocity of these nations, and soften their rugged and intractable tempers. Hence it was, that Christian kings and emperors left within the pale of the church. For this purno means unemployed to draw these infidels pose, they proposed to their chiefs alliances of and territories, with auxiliary troops to mainmarriage, and offered them certain districts tain them against their enemies, upon condiof their ancestors, which tended to nourish tion that they would abandon the superstition their ferocity, and to increase their passion for blood and carnage. These offers were attended with the desired success, as they induced the infidel chiefs not only to lend an ear them

selves to the instructions and exhortations of

the Christian missionaries; but also to oblige their subjects and armies to follow their examples in this important respect.

see the Annales Turcici of Leunelavius, and Elmscini Historia Saracenica.

THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

CHAPTER I.

Concerning the State of Letters and Philosophy during this Century.

this great and illustrious example; nor did any excellent princes in zeal for the advancement of the succeeding emperors equal these two of learning, or in lending, by protection and encouragement, an auspicious hand to raise, out of obscurity and dejection, neglected and depressed genius. But (what is still more re

we have now been representing as the restorer of letters, and whom the Greeks unanimously admire in this character, is supposed by some to have done considerable prejudice to the cause of learning by the very means he employed to promote its advancement; for, by employing learned men to extract from the writers of antiquity what they thought might contribute to the improvement of the various arts and sciences, he gave too much occasion to neglect the sources, and flattered the indolence of the effeminate Greeks, who confined their studies to these extracts, and neglected, in effect, the perusal of the writers from whom they were drawn. Hence it unfortunately happened, that many of the most celebrated authors of antiquity were lost, at this time, through the sloth and negligence of the Greeks.

II. This method, as the event manifestly showed, was really detrimental to the pro

I. THE deplorable ignorance of this barbarous age, in which the drooping arts were totally neglected, and the sciences seemed to be on the point of expiring for want of encourage-markable) Constantine Porphyrogeneta, whom ment, is unanimously confessed and lamented by all the writers who have transmitted to us any accounts of this period. Nor, indeed, will this fatal revolution, in the republic of letters, appear astonishing to such as consider, on one hand, the terrible vicissitudes, tumults, and wars, that threw all things into confusion both in the eastern and western world, and, on the other, the ignominious stupidity and dissoluteness of those sacred orders which had been appointed as the guardians of truth and learning. Leo, surnamed the Philosopher, who ascended the imperial throne of the Greeks toward the commencement of this century, was himself an eminent lover of learning, and an auspicious and zealous protector of such as distinguished themselves in the culture of the sciences.* This noble and generous disposition appeared with still greater lustre in his son Constantine Porphyrogeneta, who evinced the greatest ardor for the revival of the arts and sciences ingress of true learning and genius. And acGreece,† and employed what he deemed the cordingly we find among the Greek writers most effectual measures for the accomplish- of this century only a small number, who acment of this excellent purpose. It was with quired a distinguished and shining reputation this view that he spared no expense in draw- in the republic of letters; so that the fair and ing to his court, and supporting in his domin- engaging prospects which seemed to arise in ions, a variety of learned men, each of whom the cause of learning from the munificence excelled in some of the different branches of and zeal of its imperial patrons, vanished in a literature, and in causing the most diligent short time; and though the seeds of science search to be made for the writings of the an- were richly sown, the natural expectations of cients. With this view, also, he became him- an abundant harvest were unhappily disapself an author, and thus animated by his ex-pointed. Nor did the cause of philosophy ample, as well as by his protection, men of succeed better than that of literature. Philogenius and abilities to enrich the sciences with sophers indeed there were; and some of them their learned productions. He employed, were not destitute of genius and abilities; but moreover, a considerable number of able pens, not one of them rendered his name immortal in inaking valuable extracts from the commen- by productions that were worthy of being taries and other compositions of the ancients; transmitted to posterity. A certain number of which extracts were preserved in certain places rhetoricians and grammarians, a few poets for the benefit and satisfaction of the curious; who were above contempt, and several histoand thus, by various exertions of liberality and rians who, without deserving the highest enzeal, this learned prince restored the arts and comiums, were not totally destitute of merit, sciences to a certain degree of life and vigor.§ were the members that composed, at this But there were few of the Greeks who followed time, the republic of letters in Greece, whose inhabitants seemed to take pleasure in those kinds of literature alone, in which industry, imagination, and memory are concerned.

*See Jo. Alb. Fabricii Biblioth. Græc. lib. v. part ii. cap. v. p. 363.

Fabricius, lib. v. part ii. cap. v. p. 486. We have yet remaining the following productions of this prince: The Life of the Emperor Basilius;-a Treatise upon the Art of Governing, in which he investigates the origin of several nations, treats of their power, their progress, their revolutions, and their decline, and gives a series of their princes and rulers;-a Discourse concerning the Manner of forming a Land Army and Naval Force

in Order of Battle;-Two Books concerning the eastern and western Provinces, which may be consider ed as an account of the state of the empire in the time of this prince.

§ All this appears evident from the accounts left upon record by Zonaras, in his Annales, tom. iii.

III. Egypt, though at this time it groaned under a heavy and exasperating yoke of oppression and bondage, produced writers, who, in genius and learning, were no-wise inferior to the most eminent of the Grecian literati. Among the many examples we might mention to prove the truth of this assertion, we shall confine ourselves to that of Eutychius, bishop of Alexandria, who cultivated the sciences of physic and theology with the greatest success, and cast a new light upon them both by his

excellent writings. The Arabians, during this || terests of religion, or, to speak more properly, whole century, preserved that noble passion to the views of superstition. for the arts and sciences, which had been kindled among them in the preceding age; and hence their country abounded with physicians, mathematicians, and philosophers, whose names and characters, together with an account of their respective abilities and talents, are given by Leo Africanus and other literary historians.

IV. The Latins present to us a spectacle of a very different kind. They were almost without exception sunk in the most brutish and barbarous ignorance; so that, according to the unanimous accounts of the most credible writers, nothing could be more melancholy and deplorable than the darkness that reigned in the western world during this century, which, with respect to learning and philosophy at least, may be called the Iron Age of the Latins.* Some learned men of modern times have, we confess, ventured to call this in question: but their doubts are certainly without foundation, and the matter of fact is too firmly established by unquestionable authorities to lose any part of its credit in consequence of the objections they allege against it. It is true, there were public schools founded in most of the European provinces, some of which were erected in the monasteries, and the rest in those cities where the bishops resided. It is also true, that through this dismal night of ignorance there shone forth from time to time, and more especially toward the conclusion of this century, some geniuses of a superior order, who eyed with ardour the paths of science, and cast some rays of light upon the darkness of a barbarous age. But they were very few in number, and their extreme rarity is a sufficient proof of the infelicity of the times in which they appeared. In the seminaries of learning, such as they were, the seven liberal arts were taught in the most unskilful and miserable manner by the monks, who esteemed the arts and sciences no farther than as they were subservient to the in

V. They who were the most learned and judicious among the monastic orders, and who were desirous of employing usefully a part of their leisure, applied themselves to the composition of annals and histories, which savoured of the ignorance and barbarism of the times. Such were Abo, Luitprand, Wittekind, Fulcuin, Johannes Capuanus, Ratherius, Flodoard, Notker, Ethelbert, and others, who, though very different from each other in their respective degrees of merit, were all ignorant of the true nature and rules of historical composition. Several of the poets of this age gave evident marks of true genius; but they were strangers to the poetic art, which was not indeed necessary to satisfy a people utterly destitute of elegance and taste. The grammarians and rhetoricians of these unhappy times are scarcely worthy of mention; their method of instructing was full of absurdities; and their rules were trivial, and, for the most part, injudicious. The same judgment may be formed in general of the geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, and music, which were more or less taught in the public schools, and of which a more particular account would be uninstructive and insipid.

VI. The philosophy of the Latins extended no farther than the single science of logic.or dialectics, which they looked upon as the sum and substance of all human wisdom. But this logic, which was so highly admired, was drawn without the least perspicuity or method from a book of Categories, which some have unjustly attributed to Augustin, and others to Porphyry. It is true, indeed, that the Timæus of Plato, the Topica of Cicero and Aristotle, and the book of the latter concerning interpretation, with other compositions of the Greeks and Romans, were in the hands of several of the doctors of this century, as we learn from credible accounts; but the same accounts inform us, that the true sense of these excellent authors was scarcely understood by any of those who daily perused them.* It will *The testimonies that prove the ignorance appear, no doubt, surprising, that in such an which prevailed in the tenth century, are collected ignorant age such a subtile question as that by Du Boulay, in his Historia Acad. Paris. tom. i. p. concerning universal ideas should ever have 288; and also by Lud. Ant. Muratori, in his Anti-been thought of; true however it is, that the quitat. Ital. medii Ævi, tom. iii. p. 831, et tom. ii. p. ||

141, &c.

famous controversy, whether universal ideas belonged to the class of objects or of mere names (a controversy which perplexed and bewildered the Latin doctors in succeeding times, and gave rise to the opposite sects of the Nominalists and Realists,) was started for the first time in this century. Accordingly we find, in several passages of the writers of this period, the seeds and beginnings of this tedious and intricate dispute.†

†The famous Leibnitz, in his preface to the Cod. Juris Nat. et Gentium Diplomat. affirms that more knowledge and learning existed in the tenth century, than in the succeeding ages, particularly in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. But this is wash ing the Ethiopian; it is an extravagant assertion, and borders upon paradox. We shall be better di rected in our notions of this matter by Mabillon, in his Præfat. ad Act. Bened. Quint. Sæc. p. 2, by the authors of the Histoire Literaire de la France, and by Le Bouf's Dissertat. de Statu Literarum in Francia, a Carolo M. ad Regem Robertum; who all agree in acknowledging the gross ignorance of this century, though they would engage us to believe that its harbarism and darkness were not so hideous as they are commonly represented. There are, indeed, This appears evident from the following remarkseveral considerations that render the reasons and able passage, which the reader will find in the 304th testimonies even of these writers not a little defec-page of the work cited in the preceding note, and in tive; but we agree with them so far, as to grant that which the learned Gunzo expresses himself in the all learning and knowledge were not absolutely ex- following manner: "Aristoteles, genus, speciem, tinguished in Europe at this time, and that, in the "differentiam, proprium et accidens, subsistere derecords of this century, we shall find a few chosen "negavit, quæ Platoni subsistentia persuasit. Arisspirits, who pierced through the cloud of ignorance "toteli an Platoni magis credendum putatis? Magna that covered the multitude. est utriusque auctoritas, quatenus vix audeat quis

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66

* Gunzo, Epistol. ad Monachos Augienses in Martenne's Collect. Ampliss. Monumentor. Veter. tom. iii. p. 304.

VII. The drooping sciences found an emi-such of the Europeans as were ambitious of nent and illustrious patron, toward the conclu- making any considerable progress in physic, sion of this century, in the learned Gerbert, a arithmetic, geometry, or philosophy, enternative of France, who, upon his elevation to tained the most eager and impatient desire of the pontificate, assumed the title of Sylvester receiving instruction either from the academi II. The genius of this famous pontiff was ex- cal lessons, or from the writings of the Arabian tensive and sublime, embracing all the branches philosophers, who had founded schools in seof literature; but its more peculiar bent was veral parts of Spain and Italy. Hence it was, turned toward mathematical studies. Mecha- that the most celebrated productions of these nics, geometry, astronomy, arithmetic, and doctors were translated into Latin; their tenets every other kind of knowledge that had the and systems were adopted with zeal in the least affinity to these important sciences, were European schools; and numbers went over to cultivated by this restorer of learning with the Spain and Italy to receive instruction from the most ardent zeal, and not without success, as mouths of these famous teachers, which were his writings abundantly testify; nor did he stop supposed to utter nothing but the deepest myshere, but employed every method that was teries of wisdom and knowledge. However proper to encourage and animate others to the excessive this veneration for the learned Araculture of the liberal arts and sciences. The bians may have been, it must be owned, that effects of this noble zeal were visible in Ger- all the knowledge, whether of physic, astromany, France, and Italy, both in this and in nomy, philosophy, or mathematics, which the following century; as by the writings, ex-flourished in Europe from the tenth century, ample, and exhortations of Gerbert, many were incited to the study of physic, mathematics, and philosophy, and in general to the pursuit of science in all its branches. If, indeed, we compare this learned pontiff with the mathematicians of modern times, his merit, in that point of view, will almost totally disap-| pear under such a disadvantageous comparison; for his geometry, though it be easy and perspicuous, is merely elementary and superficial. Yet, such as it was, it was marvellous in an age of barbarism and darkness, and surpassed the apprehension of those pygmy philosophers, whose eyes, under the auspicious direction of Gerbert, were just beginning to open upon the light. Hence it was, that the geometrical figures, described by this mathematical pontiff, were regarded by the monks as magical operations, and the pontiff himself was treated as a magician and a disciple of Satan.†

VIII. It was not however to the fecundity of his genius alone, that Gerbert was indebted for the knowledge with which he now began to enlighten the European provinces; he had derived a part of his erudition, particularly in physic, mathematics, and philosophy, from the writings and instructions of the Arabians, who were settled in Spain. Thither he had repaired in pursuit of knowledge, and had spent some time in the seminaries of learning at Cordova and Seville, with a view of hearing the Arabian doctors; and it was, perhaps, by his example, that the Europeans were directed and engaged to have recourse to this source of instruction in after times; for it is undeniably certain, that from the time of Gerbert,

alterum alteri dignitate præferre." Here we see plainly the seeds of discord sown, and the foundation laid for that knotty dispute which puzzled the metaphysical brains of the Latin doctors in aftertimes. Gunzo was not adventurous enough to at tempt a solution of this intricate question, which he

leaves undecided; others were less modest, without being more successful.

*This work was published by Pezius, in his Thesaurus Anecdotorum, tom. iii. part ii. p. 7.

See the Hist. Liter. de la France, tom. vi. p. 558.-Du Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris. tom. i. p. 314, 319.-Naude, Apologie pour les Grands Hommes faussement accuses de la Magie, chap. xix. sect. 4. Du Boulay, tom. i. p. 314.

was originally derived from them: and that the Spanish Saracens, in a more particular manner, may be looked upon as the fathers of European philosophy.

CHAPTER II.

Concerning the Doctors and Ministers of the Church, and its Form of Government during this Century.

Both

I. To those who consider the primitive dig nity and the solemn nature of the ministerial character, the corruptions of the clergy must appear deplorable beyond all expression. These corruptions had risen to the most enormous height in that dismal period of the church which we have now before us. in the eastern and western provinces, the clergy were, for the most part, a most worthless set of men, shamefully illiterate and stupid, ignorant more especially in religious matters, equally enslaved to sensuality and superstition, and capable of the most abominable and flagitious deeds. This dismal degeneracy of the sacred order, according to the most credible accounts, principally arose from the scandalous examples of those who ought to have presented models of good conduct,namely, the pretended chiefs and rulers of the universal church, who indulged themselves in the commission of odious crimes, and abandoned themselves to the lawless impulse of the most licentious passions without reluctance or remorse; who confounded, in short, all difference between just and unjust acts, to satisfy their impious ambition; and whose spiritual empire was such a diversified scene of iniquity and violence, as never was exhibited under any of those temporal tyrants, who have been the scourges of mankind. We may form some notion of the Grecian patriarchs from the single example of Theophylact, who, according to the testimonies of the most respectable writers, made the most impious traffic of ecclesiastical promotions, and expressed no sort of care about any thing but his dogs and horses.* Degenerate, however, and licentious

This exemplary prelate, who sold every ecclesiastical benefice as soon as it became vacant

as these patriarchs might be, they were, in || ano.* He did not, however, long enjoy his glory; general, less profligate and indecent than the Roman pontiffs.

II. The history of the popes, who lived in this century, is a history of so many monsters, and not of men, and exhibits a horrible series of the most flagitious, tremendous, and complicated crimes, as all writers, even those of the Romish communion, unanimously confess. The source of these disorders must be sought principally in the calamities that fell upon the greatest part of Europe, and which afflicted Italy in a particular manner, after the extinction of the race of Charlemagne. On the death of Benedict IV., in 903, Leo V. was raised to the pontificate, which he enjoyed no longer than forty days, being dethroned by Christopher, and cast into prison. Christopher, in his turn, was deprived of the pontifical dignity in the following year by Sergius III., a Roman presbyter, seconded by the protection and influence of Adalbert, a most powerful Tuscan prince, who had a supreme and unlimited direction in all the affairs that were transacted at Rome. Anastasius III., and Lando, who, on the death of Sergius, in 911, were raised successively to the papal dignity, enjoyed it but for a short time, and did nothing that could contribute to render their names illustrious.

for the enmity of Marozia, daughter of Theodora and wife of Alberic, proved fatal to him; for this inhuman female, having espoused Wido, or Guy, marquis of Tuscany, after the death of her first consort, engaged him to seize the wanton pontiff, who was her mother's lover, and to put him to death in the prison where he lay confined. This licentious pontiff was succeeded by Leo VI., who sat but seven months in the apostolic chair, which was filled after him by Stephen VII. The death of the latter, which happened in 931, presented to the ambition of Marozia an object worthy of its grasp; and accordingly she raised to the papal dignity John XI., who was the frut of her lawless amours with one of the protended successors of St. Peter, Sergius III., whose adulterous commerce with that infamous woman gave an infallible guide to the Romish church.f

IV. John XI., who was placed at the head of the church by the credit and influence of his mother, was pulled down from this summit of spiritual grandeur, in 933, by Alberic his half-brother, who had conceived the utmost aversion against him. His mother Marozia had, after the death of Wido, entered anew into the bonds of matrimony with Hugo, king of Italy, who, having offended his step-son Alberic, felt severely the weight of his resentIII. After the death of Lando, which hap-ment, which vented its fury upon the whole pened 914, Alberic,* marquis or count of Tuscany, whose opulence was prodigious, and whose authority in Rome was despotic and unlimited, obtained the pontificate for John X., archbishop of Ravenna, in compliance with the solicitation of Theodora, his mother-in-law, whose lewdness was the principle that interested her in this promotion. This infamous election will not surprise such as know that the laws of Rome were at this time absolutely silent; that the dictates of justice and equity were overpowered and suspended; and that all things were carried on in that great city by interest or corruption, by violence or fraud. John X., though in other respects a scandalous example of iniquity and lewdness in the papal chair, acquired a certain degree of reputation by his glorious campaign against the Saracens, whom he drove from the settlement which they had made upon the banks of the Gariglihad in his stable above 2000 hunting horses, which he fed with pig-nuts, pistachios, dates, dried grapes, and figs steeped in the most exquisite wines, to all which he added the richest perfumes. On Holy Thursday, as he was celebrating high-mass, his groom brought him the joyful news that one of his favourite mares had foaled; upon which he threw down the liturgy, left the church, and ran in raptures to the stable, where having expressed his joy at 'hat grand event, he returned to the altar to Anish the divine service, which he had left interrupted during his absence. See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. livre lv.

It was Albert or Adalbert, of whom Dr. Mosheim here speaks. Alberic was grandson to the elder Theodora, by her daughter Marozia, who was married to Albert. See Spanheim, Eccles. Hist. Secul. x. p. 1432.-Fleury, Hist. eccles. livre 54. The latter historian is of opinion, that it was the younger Theodora, the sister of Marozia, who, from an amorous principle, raised John to the pontificate.

Theodora, mistress of Rome, procured the elevation of John, that she might continue the licentious commerce in which she had lived with that carnal ecclesiastic for many years before.

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family; for Alberic drove out of Rome not only Hugo, but also Marozia and her son the pontiff, and confined them in prison, where the latter ended his days in 936. The four pontiffs, who, in their turns, succeeded John XI., and filled the papal chair until the year 956, were Leo VII., Stephen VIII., Marinus II., and Agapet, whose characters were much better than that of their predecessor, and whose government, at least, was not attended with those tumults and revolutions that had so often shaken the pontifical throne, and banished from Rome the inestimable blessings of peace and concord. On the death of Agapet, which happened in 956; Alberic II., who to the dignity of Roman consul joined a degree of authority and opulence which nothing could resist, raised to the pontificate his son Octovian, who was yet in the early bloom of youth, and destitute, besides, of every quality that was requisite for discharging the duties of that high and important office. This unworthy pontiff assumed the name of John XII., and thus introduced the custom that has since been adopted by all his successors in the see of

* In the original we have Montem Garilianum, which is, undoubtedly, a mistake, as the Garigliano is a river in the kingdom of Naples, and not a mountain.

The character and conduct of Marozia are acknowledged to have been most infamous by the gen. eral testimony both of ancient and modern historians, who affirm, with one voice, that John XI. was the fruit of her carnal commerce with Sergius III. Eccard alone (in his Origines Guelphicæ, tom. i. lib. iii.) has ventured to clear her from this reproach, and to assert, that Sergius, before his elevation to the pontificate, was her lawful and first husband. The attempt, however, is highly extravagant, if not imprudent, to pretend to acquit, without the least testimony or proof of her innocence, a woman who is known to have been entirely destitute of every principle of virtue.

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