to the pontificate in 884, the election of the pope was carried on without the least regard to law, order, and decency, and was generally attended with civil tumults and dissensions. until the reign of Otho the Great, who put a stop to these disorderly proceedings.

IV. Among the pontiffs of this century, there were very few who distinguished themselves by their learning, prudence, and virtue, or who were studious of those particular qualities which are essential to the character of a Christian

station, was the obligation of performing certain services to their sovereigns, in consequence of the possessions they derived from the royal bounty. The bishops and heads of monasteries held many lands and castles by a feudal tenure; and, being thereby bound to furnish their princes with a certain number of soldiers in time of war, were obliged also to take the field themselves at the head of these troops,* and thus to act in a sphere that was utterly inconsistent with the nature and duties of their sacred character. Beside all this, it often hap-bishop. On the contrary, the greatest part of pened that rapacious princes, in order to satisfy the craving wants of their soldiers and domestics, boldly invaded the possessions of the church, which they distributed among their armies; in consequence of which the priests and monks, in order to avoid perishing through hunger, abandoned themselves to the practice of violence, fraud, and all sorts of crimes, considering these acts as the only remaining means by which they could procure a subsistence.†

them are only known by the flagitious actions that have transmitted their names with infamy to our times; and all seem to have vied with each other in their ambitious efforts to extend their authority, and render their dominion unlimited and universal. It is here that we may place, with propriety, an event which is said to have interrupted the much-vaunted succession of regular bishops in the see of Rome, from the first foundation of that church to the present times. Between the pontificate of Leo III. The Roman pontiffs were raised to that IV., who died in 855, and that of Benedict III., high dignity by the suffrages of the sacerdotal a certain woman, who artfully disguised her order, accompanied by the voice of the people; sex for a considerable time, is said, by learning, but, after their election, the approbation of the genius, and dexterity, to have made good her emperor was necessary, in order to their conse-way to the papal chair, and to have governed cration. An edict, indeed, is yet extant, sup- the church with the title and dignity of pontiff posed to have been published, in 817, by Louis about two years. This extraordinary person the Debonnaire, in which he abolishes this im- is yet known by the title of Pope Joan. Durperial right, and grants to the Romans, noting the five succeeding centuries this event was only the power of electing their pontiff, but also generally believed, and a vast number of writhe privilege of installing and consecrating him ters bore testimony to its truth;_nor, before when elected, without waiting for the consent the reformation undertaken by Luther, was of the emperor.§ But this grant will not de- it considered by any, either as incredible in itceive those who inquire into the affair with self, or as disgraceful to the church.* But, in any degree of attention and diligence, since the last century, the elevation, and indeed the several learned men have proved it spurious existence of this female pontiff, became the by the most irresistible arguments. It must, subject of a keen and learned controversy; and however, be confessed, that, after the time of several men of distinguished abilities, both Charles the Bald, a new scene of things arose; among the Roman catholics and protestants, and the important change above-mentioned employed all the force of their genius and eruwas really introduced. That prince, having dition to destroy the credit of this story, by inobtained the imperial dignity by the good offi- validating, on the one hand, the weight of the ces of the bishop of Rome, returned this emi- testimonies on which it was founded, and by nent service by delivering the succeeding pon- showing, on the other, that it was inconsistent tiffs from the obligation of waiting for the con- with the most accurate chronological compusent of the emperors, in order to their being in-tations.f Between the contending parties, stalled in their office; and thus we find, that from the time of Eugenius III. who was raised

*Steph. Baluzii Appendix Actor. ad Servatum, p. 508.-Muratori Antiq. Ital. medii Evi, tom. ii. p. 446. Mabillon, Annal. Benedict. tom. vi. p. 587.-Du-Fresne, ad Joinvillii Hist. Ludovici S. p. 75, 76.

† Agobardus, de Dispens. Rerum Ecclesiast. sect. iv.--Flodoardus, Histor. Eccles. Rhemensis, lib. iii. cap. ix.-Servatus Lupus, Epist. xlv. p. 87, 437, &c.-Muratori, tom. vi. Antiq. Ítal. p. 302.-Lud. Thomassin, Disciplina Ecclesiæ vet. et novæ circa Beneficia, par. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. These corrupt measures prevailed also among the Greeks and Lombards, as may be seen in the Oriens Christianus of Lequien, tom. i. p. 142:

See De Bunau, Histor. Imper. German. tom. iii. Harduini Concilia, tom. iv. p. 1236.-Le Cointe, Annales Eccles. Francor. tom. vii. ad An. 817. sect. 6. Baluzii Capitular. Regum Francor. tom. i. p. 591.

|| Muratori, Droits de l'Empire sur l'Etat Ecclesiast. p. 54, and Antiq. Ital. tom. iii. p. 29, 30, in which that learned man conjectures, that this edict was forged in the eleventh century. Bunau, Hist. Imper. German. tom. iii. p. 34. The partisans, however, of the papal authority, such as Fontanini and others, plead strenuously, though ineffectually, for the authenticity of the edict in question

of this extraordinary event are collected in one striking The arguments of those who maintained the truth point of view, with great learning and industry, by Fred. Spanheim, in his Exercitatio de Papa Fœmina, tom. ii. op. p. 577. This dissertation was translated into French by the celebrated L'Enfant, who digested it into a better method, and enriched it with several additions.

The arguments of those who reject the story of Pope Joan as a fable, have been collected by David Blondel, and after him with still more art and erudition by Bayle, in the third volume of his Dictionary, at the artícle Papesse. Add to these Jo. Georg. Eccard. (Histor. Francia Oriental. tom. ii. lib. xxx. sect. 119. p. 436,) who has adopted and appropriated the sentiments of the great Leibnitz, upon the matter in question. See also Lequien's Oriens Christian. tom. ii. p. 777, and Heuman's Sylloge Dissert. Sacr. tom. i. part ii. p. 352, The very learned Jo. Christoph. Wagenselius has given a just and accurate view of the arguments on both sides, which may be seen in the Amoenitates Literariæ of Schelhornius, part i. p. 146; and the same has been done by Basnage in his Histoire de l'Eglise, tom. i. p. 408. A list of the other writers, who have employed their labours upon this intricate question, may be seen in Casp. Sagittarius' Introd. in Hist. Eccles. tom. i. cap. xxv. p. 676, and in the Biblioth. Bremens tom. viii. part V. p. 935.

some of the wisest and most learned writers || an opportunity of assuming the right of nomi have judiciously steered a middle course; they grant that many fictitious and fabulous circumstances have been interwoven with this story; but they deny that it is entirely destitute of foundation, or that the controversy is yet ended, in a satisfactory manner, in favour of those who dispute the truth; and, indeed, upon a deliberate and impartial view of this whole mat-intreaties were rendered effectual by rich preter, it will appear more than probable, that some unusual event must have happened at Rome, from which this story derived its origin, because it is not at all credible, from any principles of moral evidence, that an event should be universally believed and related in the same manner by a multitude of historians, during five centuries immediately succeeding its supposed date, if that event had been absolutely destitute of all foundation. But what it was that gave rise to this story is yet to be discovered, and is likely to remain uncertain.*

with the utmost zeal and ardour, was opposed || tain Roman council, which is said to have been by such as were acquainted with the ancient holden during the pontificate of Sylvester, were ecclesiastical constitutions, and the government || likewise alleged in behalf of the same cause; of the church in the earlier ages; but it was opposed in vain.

all human authority and jurisdiction.*

but this council had not been heard of before the present century, and the accounts now VIII. In order to gain credit to this new ec- given of it proceeded from the same source clesiastical system, so different from the ancient with the decretals, and were equally authentic. rules of church government, and to support the Be that as it may, the decrees of this pretended haughty pretensions of the pontiffs to supre- council contributed much to enrich and aggranmacy and independence, it was necessary to pro-dise the Roman pontiffs, and exalt them above duce the authority of ancient deeds, to stop the mouths of such as were disposed to set bounds to their usurpations. The bishops of Rome were aware of this; and as those means were deemed the most lawful that tended best to the accomplishment of their purposes, they employed some of their most ingenious and zealous partisans in forging conventions, acts of councils, epistles, and the like records, by which it might appear, that, in the first ages of the church, the Roman pontiffs were clothed with the same spiritual majesty and supreme authority which they now assumed.* Among these fictitious supports of the papal dignity, the famous Decretal Epistles, as they are called, said to have been written by the pontiffs of the primitive time, deserve chiefly to be stigmatised. They were the productions of an obscure writer, who fraudulently prefixed to them the name of Isidore, bishop of Seville,† to make the world believe that they had been collected by this illustrious and learned prelate. Some of them had appeared in the eighth century, but they were now entirely drawn from their obscurity, and produced, with an air of ostentation and triumph, to demonstrate the supremacy of the Roman pontiffs.§ The decisions of a cer

*There is just reason to imagine, that these decretals, and various other acts, such as the grants of Charlemagne and his son Louis, were forged with the knowledge and consent of the Roman pontiffs, since it is utterly incredible, that these pontiffs should, for many ages, have constantly appealed, in support of their pretended rights and privileges, to acts and records that were only the fictions of private persons, and should with such weak arms have stood out against kings, princes, councils, and bishops, who were unwilling to receive their yoke. Acts of a private nature would have been useless here, and public deeds were necessary to accomplish the views of papal ambition. Such forgeries were in this century deemed lawful, on account of their supposed tendency to promote the glory of God, and to advance the prosperity of the church: and, therefore, it is not surprising, that the good pontiffs should feel no remorse in imposing upon the world frauds and forgeries, that were designed to enrich the patrimony of St. Peter, and to aggrandise his successors in the apostolic

see.

It is certain that the forger of the decretals was extremely desirous of persuading the world, that they were collected by Isidore, the celebrated bishop of Seville, who lived in the sixth century. See Fabricii Biblioth. Latin. medii Ævi, tom. v. p. 561. It was a custom among the bishops to add, from a principle of humility, the epithet peccator, i. e. sinner, to their titles; and, accordingly, this forger has added the word peccator after the name of Isidore: but this some ignorant transcribers have absurdly changed into the word mercator; and hence it happens that one Isidorus Mercator passes for the fraudulent collector, or forger of the decretals.

See Calmet, Histoire de Lorraine, tom. i. p. 528.-B. Just. Hen. Bohmer, Præf. ad novam Edit. Juris Canon. tom. i. p. x. xix. Not.

Beside the authors of the Centuriæ Magdeburgenses and other writers, the learned Blondel has demonstrated, in an ample and satisfactory manner, the spuriousness of the decretals, in his Pseudo-Isidorus et Turrianus vapulantes; and in our time the imposition is acknowledged even by the Roman catholics, at least by such of them as possess some degree of judgment and impartiality. See

IX. There were, however, among the Latin bishops, some men of prudence and sagacity, who saw through these impious frauds, and perceived the chains that were forging both for them and for the church. The French bishops distinguished themselves, in a particular and glorious manner, by the zeal and vehemence with which they opposed the spurious decretals, and other fictitious monuments and records, and protested against their being received among the laws of the church. But the obstinacy of the pontiffs, and particularly of Nicolas I., conquered this opposition, and reduced it to silence. And as the empire, in the periods that succeeded this contest, fell back into the grossest ignorance and darkness, there scarcely remained any who were capable of detecting these odious impositions, or disposed to support the expiring liberty of the church. The history of the following ages shows, in a multitude of deplorable examples, the disorders and calamities that sprang from the ambition of the aspiring pontiffs; it represents these despotic lords of the church, labouring, by the aid of their impious frauds, to overturn its ancient government, to undermine the authority of its bishops, to engross its riches and revenues into their own hands; and, what is still more horrible, it represents them aiming perfidious blows at the thrones of princes, and endeavouring to lessen their power, and to set bounds to their dominion. All this is unanimously acknowledged by such as have looked, with attention and impartiality, into the history of the times of which we now write, and is ingenuously confessed by men of learning and probity, who are well affected to the Romish church and its sovereign pontiff.†

X. The monastic life was now universally in the highest esteem; and nothing could equal the veneration that was paid to such as devoted themselves to the sacred gloom and indolence of a convent. The Greeks and Orientals had been long accustomed to regard the monkish orders and discipline with the greatest admiration; but it was only from the beginning of the eighth century, that this holy passion was indulged among the Latins to such an extravagant length. In the present age it went beyond all bounds: kings, dukes, and counts, forgot their true dignity, even the zealous discharge

Buddeus' Isagoge in Theologiam, tom. ii. p. 726; as also Petr. Constantius' Prolegom. ad Epistolas Pontificum, tom: i. p. 30; and a dissertation of Fleury, prefixed to the sixteenth volume of his Ecclesiastical History.

* See J. Launoy, de cura Ecclesiæ erga pauperes et miseros, cap. i. Observat. i. p. 576. tom. ii. part fi. op. † See the above-mentioned author's treatise entitled, Regia Potestas in Causis Matrimonial. tom. i. part i op. p. 764; as also Petr. Constantius, Præf. ad Epist Romanor. Pontif. tom. i. p. 127.

received from the emperor, he subjected all the monks, without exception, to the rule of the famous Benedict abbot of Mont-Cassin, an

had prevailed in the different monasteries, prescribed to them all one uniform method of living, and thus united, as it were, into one general body or society, the various orders which had hitherto been connected by no common bond.* This admirable discipline, which acquired to Benedict of Aniane the highest reputation, and occasioned him to be revered as the second father of the western monks, flourished during a certain time, but afterwards declined through various causes, until the conclusion of this century, when, under the calamities that oppressed both the church and the empire, it almost entirely disappeared.

of the duties of their high stations, and affected that contempt of the world and its grandeur, which they took for magnaniinity, though it was really the result of a narrow and super-núlled the variety of rites and customs that stitious spirit. They abandoned their thrones, their honours, and their treasures, and shut themselves up in monasteries with a view of devoting themselves entirely to God. Several examples of this fanatical extravagance were exhibited in Italy, France, Germany, and Spain, both in this and in the preceding century; and if the allurements of worldly pleasures and honours had too much power over the minds of many, to permit their separating themselves from human society during their lives, such endeavoured to make amends for this in their last hours; for, when they perceived death approaching, they demanded the monastic habit, and actually put it on before their departure, that they might be regarded as of the fraternity, and be in consequence entitled to the fervent prayers and other spiritual succours of their ghostly brethren.

But nothing affords such a striking and remarkable proof of the excessive and fanatical veneration that was paid to the monastic order, as the conduct of several kings and emperors, who drew numbers of monks and abbots from their cloisters, and placed them in stations entirely foreign to their vows and their character, even amidst the splendour of a court, and at the head of affairs. The transition, indeed, was violent, from the obscurity of a convent, and the study of a liturgy, to sit at the helm of an empire, and manage the political interests of nations. But such was the case; and pious princes alleged, as a reason for this singular choice, that the government of a state could never be better placed than in the hands of such holy men, who had subdued all irregular appetites and passions, and were so divested of the lusts of pleasure and ambition, as to be incapable of any unworthy designs, or any low, sordid, or selfish views. Hence we find, in the history of these times, frequent examples of monks and abbots performing the functions: of ambassadors, envoys, and ministers of state, and displaying their talents with various success in these high and eminent stations.

XI. The morals, however, of the monks, were far from being so pure as to justify the reason alleged for their promotion. Their patrons and protectors, who loaded them with honours and preferment, were sensible of the irregular and licentious lives that many of them led, and used their utmost efforts to correct their vices, and to reform their manners. Louis the Debonnaire distinguished his zeal in the execution of this virtuous and noble design; and, to render it more effectual, he employed the pious labours of Benedict, abbot of Aniane, in reforming the monasteries, first in Aquitaine, and afterwards throughout the whole kingdom of France, and in restoring, by new and salutary laws, the monastic discipline, which had been so neglected as to fall into decay. This worthy ecclesiastic presided, in 817, in the council of Aix-la-Chapelle, where several wise measures were taken for removing the disorders that reigned in the cloisters; and, in consequence of the unlimited authority he had VOL. I.-28

XII. The same emperor, who had appeared with such zeal, both in protecting and reforming the monks, gave also distinguished marks of his favour to the order of canons, which Chrodegangus had introduced in several places during the last century. He distributed them through all the provinces of the empire, and instituted also an order of canonesses, the first female convent known in the Christian world.f For each of these orders the zealous emperor had a rule drawn up, in 817, in the council of Aix-la-Chapelle, substituting it for that which had been appointed by Chrodegangus; and this new rule was observed in most of the monasteries and convents of the canons and canonesses in the west until the twelfth century, although it was disapproved by the court of Rome. The author of the rule, framed for the canons, was undoubtedly Amalarius, a presbyter of Metz; but it is not so certain whether that which was drawn up for the canonesses, was composed by the same hand.§ Be that as it may, the canonical order grew into high repute; and from this time a great number of convents were erected for its members in all the western provinces, and were

*Jo. Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. Ord. Benedict. Sæc. iv.

par. i. Præf. p. xxvii. and Præf. ad. Sæc. v. p. xxv. et ejusdem Annales Ordin. S. Benedict. tom. ii. p. 430.Calmet, Hist. de Lorraine, tom. i. p. 596. For a particular account of Benedict of Aniane, and his illustrious virtues, see the Acta Sanctor, tom. ii. Febr. 606; and the Histoire Lit. de la France, tom. iv. p. 447.

See Mabillon, Annal. Ordin. S. Benedicti, tom. ii.

p. 428.

This rule was condemned in a council held at Rome,

A. D. 1059, under the pontiff Nicolas II. The pretexts used by the pontiff and the assembled prelates, to justify their disapprobation of this rule, were, that it permitted the canons to enjoy the possessions they had before their vows, and allowed to each of them too large a portion of bread and wine; but the true reason was, that this order had been instituted by an emperor without either the consent or knowledge of the Roman pontiff. For an account of the rule and discipline of these canons, see Fleury's Hist. Eccles. tom. x. .p. 163, 164, &c. Brussels edition

in 12mo.

§ Lud. Thomassin, Disciplin. Eccles. Vet. et Novæ, part i. lib. iii. cap. xlii, xliii.-Muratori, Antiq. Ital. medii ævi, tom. v. p. 186, 540. No accounts of the Canons are less worthy of credit, than those which are given by writers, who have been themselves members of that order, such as Raymond Chapponel's Histoire des Chanoines, published at Paris in 1699; for these writers, from fond prejudices in favour of their institution, and an ambitious desire of enhancing its merit and rendering it respectable, derive the origin of the canonical order from Christ and his apostles, or trace it up, at least, to the first ages of the Christian church.

richly endowed by the liberality of pious and holden in such veneration, that, during four opulent Christians. But this institution de-centuries, the most eminent of the Latin digenerated in a short time, like all others, from vines appealed to them as authority in religious its primitive purity, and ceased to answer the matters, and adopted almost universally the laudable intention and design of its worthy sentiments they contained. After this illusfounders.* trious prelate, the writers who are most worthy of mention are,

Agobard, archbishop of Lyons, a man of wisdom and prudence, and far from being destitute of literary merit; but whose reputation has deservedly suffered by his vindicating, and even fomenting the rebellion of Lothaire and Pepin against Louis the Debonnaire, their fa

Nicephorus, also a patriarch of the above-ther and their sovereign.* mentioned city, who, among other productions, published a warm defence of the worship of images against the enemies of that idolatrous service.‡

Hilduin, abbot of St. Denis, who acquired no small reputation by a work entitled Areopagitica.t

Eginhard, abbot of Selingestadt, the celeTheodorus Studites, who acquired a name brated author of the Life of Charlemagne, rechiefly by his warm opposition to the Icono-markable for the beauty of his diction, the clasts, and by the zeal with which he wrote in favour of image worship.§

*Calmet, Hist. de Lorraine, tom. i. p. 591.-Hist. Lit. de la France, tom. iv. p. 536.

See Camusat, Histoire des Journaux, tom, i. p. 87. Acta Sanctor. tom. ii. Martii ad d. xiii. p. 293.-Oudinus, Scriptor. Eccles. tom. ii. p. 2.

Theodore Studites was one of the most voluminous writers of this century, and would certainly have been known as a man of genius and learning in after-ages, even if the controversy concerning images had never existed. There are of his writings, yet extant, 265 letters, several treatises against the Iconoclasts, 124 epigrams in iambics, and a large manuscript, which contains a course of catechetical instruction concerning the duties of the monastic life.

See Bayle's Dictionary, vol. i.

Assemani Biblioth. Orient. Vatican. tom. ii. p. 127. **See, for a particular account of the life and writings of Rabanus Maurus, the Histoire Literaire de la France, Il